Poster: This Is Not Your Home

.pdf for printing here

Antifascists attack white supremacist meeting and hospitalize several fascists — Chicago, IL

According to internet sources, antifascists, numbering near 30, entered the Ashford House restaurant around noon on May 19th where the “5th annual white nationalist economic summit” meeting was being held. The antifascists were allegedly throwing bats, hammers and chairs, leaving multiple white supremacists hospitalized and successfully bringing the meeting to a brutal end.

Taken From antiracistaction.org:

In response to Mob Attacked Specific Group of People Inside Tinley Park Restaurant

On Saturday, May 19th a group of 30 anti-fascists descended upon Ashford House restaurant in the Chicago suburb of Tinley Park where the 5th annual White Nationalist Economic Summit and Illinois White Nationalist Meet-and-Greet was taking place. The White Nationalists were targeted inside the restaurant and physically attacked, causing several injuries and completely shutting down their meeting. The anti-fascist group was privy to anonymous inside information. This fascist event had been in secret planning for six months. The attendees have attempted to cover up the true intent of the event with mainstream media reports initially reporting the white nationalist conference as a wedding party and then as an Irish heritage meeting. The event was advertised on www.stormfront.org, an established white nationalist fascist internet forum.

Anti-fascists oppose any organizing by racists and fascist in their communities. Fascist and white nationalist organizing has resulted in a number of horrifying incidents, from the recent J.T. Ready shootings in Arizona to the Benjamin Nathaniel Smith shooting in the West Rogers Park neighborhood in Chicago, as just two examples.

These anti-fascists are committed to shutting down and attacking any racist, nationalist, or fascist organizers or individuals that they encounter.
http://onepeoplesproject.com/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=993%3Achicago-white-nationalist-economic-summit-smashed-several-of-them-hospitalized&catid=29%3Aantifa-news&Itemid=14

Criminal Justice Services continue to cover up lies about John Bowden

Edinburgh Criminal Justice Services, or what used to be know as the plain Social Work Deptartment, has seriously compromised its professional integrity by defending a member of its staff who deliberately told lies in a report to the Parole Board in an attempt to sabotage my chances of release from prison. Behaving like corrupt policemen instead of traditional social workers seems now to be acceptable practice at Edinburgh Social Services.
In an official report for the Parole Board written on the 29/2/2012 Brenden Barnett, who works for Edinburgh Criminal Justice Services, made the following incredible claims about my original case in 1980. “Secondary motives for using violence described by the trial judge and acknowledged by Bowden himself suggest a pattern of behaviour that allowed for the predatory targeting of vulnerable human beings on the margins of society defined by race or sexuality”. “Bowden has suggested that his victims were easily discriminated against on the basis of race or sexuality”. “There has been no investigation of the values and beliefs that informed Bowden’s targeting of individuals, i.e. what particular characteristics deemed a person worthy of attack; ethnic background, deviant sexuality”.
There is absolutely no evidence whatsoever to support Barnett’s bizarre claims and in fact I was convicted in 1982, alongside two other men, of the murder of a white Caucasian heterosexual male during a drunken party in South London. If ethnicity was any sort of factor in the case it was actually represented in the defendants, two of whom were Irish and the third second-generation Irish; the victim was a native white south Londoner. Neither the police who investigated the case or the prosecution authorities or indeed trial judge had ever claimed that either racism or homophobia had played any part in the case; Barnett’s claims are a total lie, as he well knew.
Naively, I imagined that by officially complaining to Barnett’s superiors his lies would be exposed and the record put straight as far as his report to the Parole Board was concerned. Instead I was about to enter a sort of Kafkaesque nightmare.
On the 2/4/2012 I was interviewed by Jackie Peters, Manager for “Risk Management Services” and Barnett’s immediate boss, and Sheila Ritchie, a “Sex and Violent Offender Liaison Officer”, and also a colleague of Barnett’s. Both made it absolutely clear that they intended to defend and support their colleague no matter what, even if it required some twisting of the facts and a total disregard of the truth. Throughout the interview I was treated with obvious contempt and at one point I was actually asked if any of my victims (I was convicted of one murder) were black or homosexuals. Despite my constant protestations that neither race or sexual orientation played any part whatsoever in my conviction, as the official files make clear, they steadfastly determined to somehow defend and justify Barnett’s lies. I eventually realised that the interview was meaningless and their intention was simply to defend their colleague, so I told them that I would pursue my complaint beyond them and do whatever it took to expose Barnett’s lies. In their subsequent report they would describe this as a “threat” against Barnett. They also alleged I had been “angry and aggressive” towards them and tried to shift the focus from Barnett’s lies onto my behaviour during the interview, which they insinuated suggested a potential risk to both themselves and the wider community. The issue of Barnett’s lies in their report was glossed over and my complaint rejected. It’s important to remember here that we’re not dealing with some miner factual inaccuracy or a biased interpretation of established fact, a fairly common phenomenon in social work reports on prisoners; Barnett wrote blatant lies in his report, claims that had absolutely no basis in fact or reality, lies that are easily disproved by reference to the mass of information in my prison and social work file, and yet those supposedly responsible for investigating my complaint decided that Barnett had done absolutely no wrong and his report was completely acceptable. Protected by an occupational culture that views and treats “offenders” as things to be monitored, supervised and policed, authoritarian characters like Barnett believe they have total power over those under their supervision and with it the absolute right to increase their demonisation and dehumanisation, even by writing blatant lies about them.
Those who employ Barnett and those who work alongside him in the Edinburgh Criminal Justice Services must ultimately take responsibility for his behaviour because by defending and supporting him they have seriously compromised their own integrity and are complicit in his dishonesty and abuse of power. A more senior social worker, Stephen Laird, signed off Barnett’s report and therefore gave the official seal of approval to his lies, which is why those supposedly investigating my complaint, Peters and Ritchie, felt an even greater predisposition to support Barnett, even if his lies regarding my original offence were obvious and indefensible. This is how corruption spreads within institutions like the police and Social Services; defending and supporting colleagues who have abused their power, especially over people considered something less than human and utterly powerless, creates complicity and a culture of abuse generally. The prison system and police are riddled with this culture, which is why the abuse and death of people in custody is widespread and why those directly responsible are rarely identified and prosecuted. It would seem that the “Criminal Justice Services” generally, including social workers and probation officers, are also contaminated by this culture of lying and treating “offenders” as people stripped of all basic rights; my experience with Barnett and his colleagues certainly illustrates this.
Undoubtedly at my next parole hearing Barnett will claim that by challenging the lies in his report I have also challenged his authority over me and therefore I represent a “High Risk of Re-offending” because of my adversity to being supervised by Barnett in the community. As always Public Protection will be cited and used as a justification for my continued imprisonment, when in reality I shall probably remain in jail simply because I challenged Barnett’s lies.
I have now complained to Peter Gabbitas, Director of Health and Social Dept. in Edinburgh, who has overall responsibility for Barnett and his colleagues, and he has yet to even acknowledge my letter, which suggests a disinclination on his part to recognise either my existence or that of my complaint. Incredibly it would seem that a pathological liar like Barnett has the absolute freedom to describe someone in an official report as a “racist and homophobic” serial killer without a shred of evidence, and absolutely no-one in his entire dept has the integrity or moral courage to criticise or expose him, and that apparently includes even the dept’s Director. The complete absence of any basic integrity amongst those at Edinburgh Criminal Justice Services is both scandalous and deeply worrying for those under it’s supervision.
The response of Barnett and Edinburgh Criminal Justice Services to my exposing his lies has been to ask the Scottish Prison Service to engineer my removal back to the English prison system, and on the 4/5/2012 Sharron Di Ciacca, Legal Service Manager of the Scottish Prison Service, wrote to me informing me that such a transfer would take place soon. Moving the “problem” on is of course a classic method of controlling and punishing “difficult” prisoners.
Edinburgh Criminal Justice Services should not be allowed to suppress or simply get rid of “offenders” who complain about and expose individuals like Brendan Barnett, and I ask all groups and individuals concerned about the treatment of prisoners and ex-prisoners at the hands of a corrupt social work dept like Edinburgh Criminal Justice Services to write letters or e-mails of complaint to the following addresses:
Scottish Public Services Ombudsman
4 Melville Street
Edinburgh
EH3 7NS
Social Work Advice and Complaints Service
Waverley Court
Level 1/7
4 East Market Street
Edinburgh
EH8 8BG
Michelle Miller
Chief Social Worker
Grindlay Court Social Work Centre
Criminal Justice Services
2-4 Grindlay Court
Edinburgh
EH3 9AR
Peter Gabbitas, Director
Health and Social Care Dept
Waverley Court
Level 1/8
4 East Market Street
Edinburgh
EH8 8BG
John Bowden, 6729
HMP Shotts
May 2012

http://bristolabc.wordpress.com/2012/05/20/criminal-justice-services-continue-to-cover-up-lies-about-john-bowden/

June 11th: Solidarity with long-term anarchist prisoners @ Kebele Bristol uk

As part of the international day of solidarity on June 11th:
Bristol ABC presents an infonight/benefit evening  for long-term U.S. anarchist prisoners Eric McDavid & Marie Mason. We will be sharing food, discussing the latest on Eric & Marie’s case and watching a short documentary on Jeff “Free” Luers.

6:30pm: Vegan food served (Suggested donation: £3)
7:30pm: Discussion on Eric & Marie’s case
8:00pm: Film screening of ‘The Jeff Luers Story‘ (40 mins).

Marie Mason is a long-time environmental and social justice activist and loving mother of two. In March 2008, she was arrested on charges related to Earth Liberation Front actions that occurred in Michigan in 1999 and 2000; no one was injured in the actions. On February 5, 2009, Marie received an outrageous 262 month sentence (a little under 22 years). The sentence was higher than even that asked for by federal prosecutors. Marie’s sentence is the longest given to any “Green Scare” defendant to date.

 In September 2007, Eric McDavid was found guilty of conspiracy to sabotage federal facilities in the name of the environment. The government’s case was based on the word of an FBI informant who was paid over $75,000 to fabricate a crime. Both of Eric’s co-defendants testified against Eric in return for a lesser charge. On May 8, 2008, Eric was sentenced to an outrageous 19 years and 7 months in prison for a crime that was never committed. Eric is appealing his conviction

Or alternatively, why not write a letter of support to them:

Eric McDavid #16209-097
FCI Terminal Island
Federal Correctional Institution
P.O. Box 3007
San Pedro, CA 90731
USA

Marie Mason #04672-061
FMC Carswell
Federal Medical Center
P.O. Box 27137
Fort Worth, TX 76127
USA
june11.org / kebelecoop.org / supporteric.org / supportmariemason.org
Kebele Social Centre, 14 Robertson Rd, Easton, Bristol. BS5 6JY
——————————————————————————————–
From June 11th.org:
June 11th began as an international day of solidarity with long-term anarchist prisoner Jeff “Free” Luers in 2004. At the time, Jeff was serving 22+ years. Infuriated by the environmental devastation he saw occurring on a global scale, Jeff torched three SUVs at a car dealership in Eugene, OR. The sentence imposed on him was meant to send a clear message to others who were angered by capitalism’s continued war on the Earth’s ecosystems – and to those who were willing to take action to put a stop to it. Jeff is, after all, not alone in his concerns about climate change, fossil fuels, pollution and genetically modified organisms.
After years of struggle, Jeff and his legal team won a reduction in his sentence and he was released from prison in December 2009. But in the years intervening Jeff’s arrest and release, the FBI had carried out a series of indictments and arrests in an attempt to devastate the radical environmental and anarchist communities. Two of the people caught up in this maelstrom of repression were Eric McDavid and Marie Mason.
Eric McDavid was arrested in January 2006 after being entrapped by a paid government informant – “Anna” – and was charged with a single count of conspiracy. Eric – who never carried out any actions and was accused of what amounts to “thought crime” – refused to cooperate with the state and took his case to trial. After a trial fraught with errors, the jury convicted Eric. He was subsequently sentenced to almost 20 years in prison.
Marie Mason was arrested in March 2008 after her former partner – Frank Ambrose – turned informant for the FBI. Facing a life sentence if she went to trial, Marie accepted a plea bargain in September 2008, admitting her involvement in the burning of an office connected to GMO research and the destruction of a piece of logging equipment. At her sentencing in February the following year, she received a sentence of almost 22 years.
Marie Mason and Eric McDavid share the unfortunate distinction of having the longest standing sentences of any environmental prisoners in the United States. Please join us in an international day of solidarity with Marie Mason, Eric McDavid, and other long-term anarchist prisoners on every June 11th. This is a time to remember our friends who are in prison – who are continuing their struggles on the inside. This is a time to continue and strengthen the very work for which Eric and Marie are now serving so much time – to struggle against capitalism, ecological devastation, and the ever more diffuse forms of control in this prison society.
Free Marie and Eric! Free all prisoners!
See 325 website for further callout for solidarity actions.


http://www.kebelecoop.org/

http://bristolabc.wordpress.com/2012/05/13/june-11th-solidarity-with-long-term-anarchist-prisoners/#more-2456

Elaho Valley Anarchist Horde on the end of the 7Cs: A Journal of Sasquatchology

Elaho Valley Anarchist Horde on the end of the 7Cs: A Journal of Sasquatchology (2001, Victoria, Canada)
“The sun shines brightly in the yard, the sky is clear, the air fresh and bracing. Now the last gate will be thrown open, and I shall be out of site of the guard, beyond the bars, – alone! How I have hungered for this hour, how often in the past years have I dreamed of this rapturous moment – to be alone, out in the open, away from the insolent eyes of my keepers! I’ll rush away from these walls and kneel on the warm sod, and kiss the soil, and embrace the trees, and with a song of joy give thanks to Nature for the blessings of sunshine and air.” Alexander Berkman, Prison Memoirs of an Anarchist.
Upon my own release from prison I traveled to Seattle from Sheridan, Oregon to turn myself in to a halfway house. I too was an anarchist in the hands of the enemy, and while my incarceration was not as long or harsh as Berkman’s, his memoir contains long portions – sometimes entire pages – that feel so familiar it seems as though I wrote them myself. Several times in the final chapter he mentions a longing for wilderness, an urge to run from the dead cities of the northeast into the forests. On that ride from one lockup to another I knew why. Civilization is inherently confining, and even outside of the greybar hotel most of our lives consist of moving from one box to another in a continuous and agonizing march that we have little power to control. Looking out the windows of my friends car I wanted the passing sprawl to be sucked into the soil and replaced with life, beauty, and liberty.
The nature of incarceration can certainly make a person think about the incarceration of nature, but even those anarchists who have been lucky or smart enough to stay out of state custody often get it. If you are opposed to the artificial hierarchies of class, why support the equally arbitrary hierarchies based on species? If you think that forests have less worth than humans than I say you haven’t met enough cops! There isn’t one authority figure on earth I wouldn’t trade for a tree, and anyone who would argue the opposite is a moron. But forgive my rambling, I have written all the above because this wonderful DIY zine has sparked my sense of rebellion and wildness!
The end of the 90s and the early 2000s was a busy time for forest defenders, and across the globe direct action campaigns for wilderness were abundant and inspiring. There are many famous examples, and while Warner Creek and the anti-roads campaigns of England may have stolen the spotlight, one rugged crew in British Columbia carried on an overlooked battle that every activist should know about. If you like raging warrior grannies, sabotage, unlikely coalitions, and open revolt against corporations and their governmental subsidiaries, then you ought to read up on the history of actions in the Elaho, Squamish, and Simms valleys. This zine, written by members of the Elaho Valley Anarchist Horde as both a primer for new activists coming to the Elaho and a means of publicizing the campaign, is an excellent introduction.

http://issuu.com/conflictgypsy/docs/evah?mode=window&viewMode=doublePage

Benefit Film Screening of French Film A.L.F. (Friday June 29th 2012)

World Premier of the amazing french feature film, A.L.F. (Animal Liberation Front), by Jérôme Lescure! The producer will be flying in from France to do a Q&A. You do not want to miss this once-in-a-lifetime event!
This is a benefit for Victor and Kellie, as well as Jordan Holiday. Victor is currently serving a five year prison sentence for an attempted mink release in Iowa. He and his wife, Kellie Vanorden, both pleaded guilty to "releasing an animal from an animal facility and attempted third-degree burglary." Kellie has just finished serving her 60 day sentence in jail. Currently, Victor is trying to get paroled (i.e. get his sentence reduced considerably as well).
Speakers: -Gauthier Lamothe - (Producer) Q&A
- Lauren C. Regan (Executive Director, Civil Liberties Defense Center) Challenging NDAA (National Defense Authorization Act) and the AETA (Animal Enterprise Terrorism Act).
- Adriana Pope (former AETA4 defendant) Update on Jordan Holiday, and Victor & Kellie's case
Suggested Donation: $10
All money raised will go directly to their legal funds.

#OccupyAbay: latest developments of protests in Moscow

So, now we have our first successfull attempt of occupying a public place - namely a square around the monument of Abai Qunanbaiuli (a XIX century Kazakh poet) in Moscow. However, we have not much else to be proud of - just like the whole Occupy movement, this protest has achieved nothing so far, except for partially breaking the mass media blockade. However, the lack of consciousness and coherent ideology in such protests is sad, but unsurprising. In order to have a big and conscious leftist movement, we should do a lot of outreach, and as long as it isn't done, the protest movement will suffer from "liberalism as an infantile disorder". Moreover, the government has started a big defamation campaign against all protesting forces (which was also expected, though).

During 8-9th of May, there was no major chashes with police - however, dozens of people were arrested. There was a general consensus among anarchists and other protesting forces to refrain from violent riots on 9th of May, and I agree it was a good idea. The weather conditions also weren't that good for any outdoor activities. Maybe thunderstorm is a perfect weather for revolution in aesthetical sense, but not in practical one. Anyway, it's obvious that we can't do anything substantial right now - Putin and his clique have enough money and power to successfully suppress any opposition movement, and even if they hadn't, the revolutionary situation would be extremely dangerous because of the amount of fascist elements here (see my previous entry) and current absence of any powerful force to counter them. So, from now I'm continuing to post music (not forgetting to write about politics at some occasions, though).


P.S. Should also mention an ongoing conflict regarding the forest near Zhukovsky (in the vicinity of Moscow). The situation is almost completely identical to the situation with the Khimki forest:



http://r-a-b-m.blogspot.com/2012/05/occupyabay-latest-developments-of.html

(from 2010)

Radical eco-defense in Moscow / Khimki (and the consequent repressions)

First of all, I've reuploaded all files reported as corrupt ("Narcotized" & "Burning Roots" compilations) to Multiupload, which allows to download files from several various sources. Hope it will work. As for your mail, I read all of it, but I hadn't enough time to reply (and to listen to all the demos you've sent to me). Don't worry, I'll answer a little later.
I've got also a lot of leftist industrial rock and metal albums, so the next weekend probably would be an "industrial" weekend in my blog. All the black metal and blackened crust stuff will come later (I've got plenty of it too). And right now I have to write about politics and eco-defense.
Khimki Forest is an unique mixed forest in the near vicinity of Moscow, which is a part of the so-called "Green Belt". Without the forests of "Green Belt", the ecological situation in Moscow (which already is a most polluted city in Europe) would became much worse. Recently, the Khimki Forest was proposed to be chopped down for a construction of a new high-speed road. This decision has triggered large protests, which started with a construction of an ecological camp in the forest on 15 July. In the next two weeks, the activists in the camp tried to prevent the trees from being cut down, clashing with the construction workers, police, various paramilitary units and nazi hooligans (who apparently were acting in concert with officials). According to antifa.ru:

"On July 23, at about 5AM, the protestors and two journalists were attacked and beaten by a gang of several dozen thugs with white T-shirts masking their faces. From all indications, this was an organized group of neofascists, wearing such symbols on their shirts. The police arrived and started arresting the activists, not the attackers, which indicated that this was an attack carried out in coordination with the police. Security guards hired by the firm carrying out the destruction also took part. 15 people were arrested at that time. Later in the day, the police arrived again, taking away dozens of people...
There is a history of violence sponsored by the local authorities in Khimki. In the most famous case of political terrorism, in November 2008, Mikhail Beketov, outspoken editor-in-chief of the regional "Khimkinskaya Pravda" (Khimki Truth) newspaper, was savagely beaten in front of his home. The attack was clearly related to his criticism of local authorities and the highway being built. As a result of his injuries one of his legs was amputated, and head traumas he suffered during the attack have left him unable to speak. Current reports on his condition indicate that his second leg may have to be amputated"

On July 28, 2010, ~400-500  anarchists and anti-fascists stormed the government offices in Khimki. This was the first such large direct action in the post-Soviet Russia so far:

--video
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=TqQFtJMBPbc&feature=player_embedded

 

 

The action was exceptionally successful, and none of the activists were arrested. However, several illegal arrests of anti-nazi activists (most of whom had nothing to do with Khimki protesters) followed in the next few days. Now the funds are being raised for the lawyers, and and any your help would be appreciated. For more information, see the links below:

 

 

Although the official media have been spreading a lot of lies about the protests, they were generally well received by citizens of Moscow and Khimki. On August 22, an eco-defense rally took place in Moscow, with about 4000-5000 people participating. There also should be a gig with DDT, the legends of Russian political rock, and some other rock bands. But the authorities banned the use of any sound amplifiers, so Yuriy Shevchuk, the frontman of DDT, decided to make an acoustic concert:


In Russian (left-wing media):

• Autonomous Action
• Antifa.RU
• LiveJournal
• January 19 Committee

In Russian (mainstream media):

• Kommersant.Ru
• svpressa.ru

In other languages:

• English
• Deutsch
• Francais (part 2)
• Italiano
• Polski
• 
  
• 
  

More info:

• Grani.Ru
• Left Front Russia

And finally, on 26 August 2010, president Dmitry Medvedev ordered the construction of the highway to be halted. Yes, it's a victory, but some of our comrades still are arrested, and the struggle against corrupt officials and shitty system still continues. Even though the authorities and the official media are doing everything to keep the masses dumb and obedient, the protests are becoming more and more large, and it's good to see that the tradition of anarchism in Russia is revived.
Not GreenPeace... GREEN WAR!

en fr - Merksplas - Riots in detention center

MERKPLAS - Riots took place between prisoners and police inside the detention center for immigrants of Merksplas. According to some participants, the riots were very violent. Police intervened with about 40 coppers in the centre after tens of people revolted. Everybody was beaten and 5 persons were put in isolation.

bxl.indymedia.org
10/5/2012

Merksplas - Emeutes dans le centre fermé

MERKPLAS - Le 10 mai, il y a eu des affrontements entre prisonniers et policiers à l'intérieur du centre fermé de Merkplas. D'après certaines témoignages, c'était très violent. Une quarantaine de policiers sont entrés dans le centre afin de mettre fin à l'émeute. Ils ont matraqué tout le monde et 5 personnes ont été mis au cachot.  

bxl.indymedia.org
10/5/2012

 

 

http://suieetcendres.blogspot.com/

en fr - Brussels - Grenade against city counsel

BRUSSELS - During the night, a grenade was thrown on the parking lot of the building of the City Counsel of Anderlecht. Damage is limited, only a few vehicles on the parking lot belonging to the CPAS of Anderlecht (Social Welfare Institution) were damages.
Police refuses to comment the explosion. The neighbourhood investigation didn't help the police, witnesses heard the explosion, but didn't see nothing. 

15/5/2012
www.dhnet.be

Bruxelles - Grenade contre la maison communale d'Anderlecht

ANDERLECHT - Aux alentours de la place du Conseil, une déflagration a retenti dans la nuit de dimanche à lundi entre une et deux heures du matin. Il s’agissait d’une grenade qu’un ou des individus ont jetée par-dessus les palissades du parking accolé à la maison communale.

Aucun blessé n’est heureusement à déplorer et les dégâts sont limités. Seuls quelques véhicules ont été endommagés dont un véhicule du CPAS anderlechtois. La grenade a probablement été jetée depuis la rue Georges Moreau, sa goupille ayant été retrouvée non loin.

L’affaire est prise très au sérieux et préoccupe fortement les autorités communales. La police locale se refusait ce lundi à tout commentaire. Toujours est-il qu’il s’agit là de la troisième grenade lancée dans les rues anderlechtoises ces deux dernières semaines. Il pourrait s’agir de représailles, voire d’une mise en garde musclée découlant d’opérations judiciaires qui se sont déroulées dans le quartier de Cureghem.

Néanmoins,“on n’a aucune piste et aucun élément qui nous permet de faire un tel lien, explique Geneviève Seressia, porte-parole du parquet de Bruxelles. Il n’y a pas eu d’interpellations. L’enquête de voisinage n’a rien donné. Des témoins ont entendu la déflagration, mais n’ont rien vu.”

15/5/2012
www.dhnet.be

 

http://suieetcendres.blogspot.com/

Noise Demo in Solidarity with Arrested Comrades

Wednesday May 16th around 9:30 pm. about a hundred people showed up at the Tangay detention center for women on Henri-Bourassa in Montreal. where three young women accused of throwing one of the smoke bombs that paralyzed the Montreal metro last Thursday. The SQ dirt-bags were already on the spot.

The demo was called “…to make some noise and break the isolation of the prison walls, showing to our comrades they are not alone. This is also a demo against the political and police repression happening since the beginning of the strike, against the charges against our comrades, and in solidarity with all those behind bars.”
The crowd approached the doors and communicated with the prisoners by using megaphones, many fireworks were set off and a smoke bomb was thrown to the cops.
The crowd dispersed around 10:30 pm
the following is a text we’ve received:
Since the beginning of the strike, there have been over 1000 arrests, many injuries (two people of which have lost an eye, while two other demonstrators found themselves in coma after being attacked by the police), many are facing charges and increasingly restrictive conditions like curfews and non-association, several comrades are in political exile (they are not allowed to be on the island of Montreal, and are thus also kept far from those they care about), and others are currently in prison. This is happening in a context where the state is becoming increasingly fascist. The anti-mask law the government is trying to pass is exemplary : wearing a mask during a demonstration punishable by a ten year sentence.
Since the beginning, the social peace necessary for capitalism to run has been disrupted by an imaginative social movement. At the same time as the state raises tuition and slashes social services in order to maintain profits for the elite, it is also subsidizing companies involved in resource extraction looking to make profits by gutting Indigenous territories in the north and setting up new security measures and spending millions on the construction and expansion of over thirty prisons; this is capitalism in all its glory.
This system has been imposed on us by force. The police, the courts, and the prisons aren’t there to protect us; they are meant to enforce a system of domination. The same ones throw tear gas and plastic bullets the instant a demonstration escapes their control and support the bosses during each strike. They are the ones who put themselves between the hungry and the supermarket shelves teeming with food, the homeless and vacant buildings, between immigrants and their families.
Their violence is not accidental; it is essential to their existence.This system uses intimidation and isolation to try to discourage any form of resistance. Freedom is held captive in the hands of a judiciary which zigzags between bail, restrictive conditions, criminal charges, and imprisonment.
Faced with this, an active solidarity, involving neither condamnation nor dissociation, with all those criminalized by the State becomes essential. Denouncing the criminalisation of demonstrations, opposing targeted arrests and snitch culture, providing legal, financial, and moral support to the arrested and demanding that the state drops their charges, keeping an eye on police practices, taking care of those injured, supporting each other, as well as continuing, expanding, and intensifying the struggle of our arrested comrades – these are all the foundations of a culture of struggle that we need to build and develop.
Let’s break the isolation of the prison walls. Shut down the prisons that are yet another method that the state uses to try to subject us to its control.
Fuck the prisons!
Long live the strike! (again and always)


related articles / articles relatifs / artículos relacionados:

1. Toronto Metro West Noise Demo Report Back
2. January 1st, Montreal: New Year’s Noise Demo
3. “This is a war and we are warriors:” words in solidarity with the comrades of the CCF from Mono
4. Letter from Mónika Caballero, accused in the “bombs case” in Chile, in solidarity with the comrades of the CCF
5. Russia: Moscow punks attack Indonesian embassy with paint in solidarity with Indonesian comrades

http://www.sabotagemedia.anarkhia.org/2012/05/noise-demo-in-solidarity-with-arrested-comrades/#more-2363

Commander admits: Undercover Israeli officers threw stones at soldiers in Bil’in

At the time, almost nobody believed what the activists had said. The village of Bil’in was organizing one of its first mass demonstrations against the fence built on its lands, in the very early days of the local popular struggle. Organizers made a special point of making sure that no stones would be thrown at the soldiers at any point of this specific demonstration, in April 2005, even if the soldiers were to attack first – which was and to this day still is the trigger to attacks against them.

However, as the demonstration progressed towards the construction site of the fence, several young men of Arab appearance, unknown to organizers and thought to have come from neighboring villages, started throwing stones, giving the soldiers the queue cue they needed to disperse the demonstration with tear gas and make arrests. According to several witnesses, leaders in the popular struggle approached the young men and asked them to stop throwing stones – at which point the strangers pulled out concealed guns and handcuffs and arrested the people who asked them to stop. It would later be made known that these were combatants in the IPS elite anti-riot unit Metzada (“Masada”), lent to the army to infiltrate demonstrations and make them violent. And yet – most Israelis would not believe this story.
Undercover officer making an arrest in Bil'in, April 2005

Now, seven years later, the IPS admits that its combatants threw stones at soldiers. As published in Haaretz Monday morning, a commander in the Metzada unit admitted as much in a trial against MK Mohammed Barake (Hadash). Barake, who attended the demonstration, is charged with assault against a Border Police officer at the scene, apparently as an attempt to de-arrest a local activist captured by the undercover agents. During his testimony the commander told the court that his subordinates had thrown stones “in the general direction” of soldiers. He and other unit members also repeated the claim that they saw Barake strangling a policeman.
The demonstration in Bil'in, April 2005
The trial is only taking place now since Members of Knesset can only be prosecuted after a long procedure that requires special permission from a Knesset committee. Barake is also charged with assault against another policeman in a Tel Aviv demonstration during the Second War on Lebanon in 2006.
The same Metzada unit is also responsible for the killing of two Palestinian inmates and abuse of many others – as exposed last year on Israel’s Channel 2 show “Uvda.” An internal IPS video broadcast during the show proves that the unit initiated a drill with the aim of lifting the combatants’ spirits. The drill went bad, a riot started, and inmates were killed even though no risk came to the servicemen’s lives.

--video
http://www.youtube.com/watch?feature=player_embedded&v=BnCeIg1zDu4


http://awalls.org/commander_admits_undercover_israeli_officers_threw_stones_at_soldiers_in_bil_in

Protests in solidarity with Hana Shalabi and against the wall brutally suppressed across the West Bank

Bilin

Upon the arrival to the Abu Lemon area participants raised Palestinian flags, posters of prisoner Hana Shalabi and slogans calling for national unity, the end of the occupation, destruction of the apartheid wall, and freedom for Palestinian prisoners. A few protesters entered between the barbed wire fence and the wall. Some were able to remove additional part of the barbed wire fence. Some young demonstrators threw rotten eggs at the soldiers. The soldiers reacted with a sound bomb, rubber bullets, tear gas canisters and the "skunk" machine.

Protesters in Bil'in.

Kfur Qaddum

The army brutally suppressed the demonstration in Kfur Qaddum. The protesters walked towards the road that has been blocked to them greatly restricting their access and interfering with their way of life. After the usual volley of tear gas the army released a trained German Shepard on the protesters. The dog vicious attacked one man biting his wrist. Even with attempts by the handlers to release his jaw failed. He was then arrested. A family member and Israeli activist called for help and yelled at soldiers to release the dog. The family member was subsequently pepper sprayed and arrested. Three other protesters were injured by tear gas canisters. This is the first time there have been arrests during a demonstration.

al Ma'sara

Under the heavy rain ten's of Palestinian, Israeli and international demonstrators protested against the building of the separation wall and in solidarity with Hana Shalabi . IOF soldiers attacked Mahmoud Zawahre (a coordinator of al Ma'sara's Popular Committee) tearing his clothes before he managed to escape. They then used extreme violence to arrest four Israeli activists who were later released after protesters moved back up the road. The soldiers also they broke the camera of a journalist Musa Alshaer after having broken the glass of one residents car.

Two Israeli activists brutally arrested by IOF soldiers

Nabi Saleh

Hana Al-Shalabi, an imprisoned Palestinian woman held under administrative detention after she was released by Israel as part of the last prisoners swap, is on hunger strike for an entire month now to protest her treatment and bring about her release. Nabi Saleh residents and other Palestinians joined Al-Shalabi this Friday, carrying posters, as the weekly procession left the centre of the village.

The demonstration was immediately attacked by Israeli occupation forces “skunk” truck, spraying foul smelling water. This was shortly followed by volleys of tear gas canisters shot from a military jeep with an automated cannon. Israeli soldiers also approached the village's built area on foot, until they raided the village and its surroundings entirely, targeting protesters by shooting tear gas and bullets directly at them. In one such attack an Israeli protester was shot in the back of her head by tear gas canister or some other kind of “less-lethal” bullet. She was rushed to a hospital in Ramallah and released after she received initial treatment. At least two more protesters were also injured by Israeli fire. Todays demo followed a week of heavy repression by Israeli forces, who raided Nabi Saleh four nights, entering and searching houses and arresting youths at gunpoint.

Injured Israeli protester being taken away by IOF soldiers

Beit Ummar

The protest was in solidarity with Hana Shalabi who is on hunger strike for the last 31 days in the Israeli occupation jails, and in memory of the ninth anniversary of the martyrdom of Rachael Corrie who was bulldozed 9 years ago by an Israeli occupation military bulldozer while she was trying to stop the bulldozer from bulldozing a Palestinian house in Rafah in Gaza Strip. It’s important to note that the popular committee of Beit Ummar is on hunger strike for the last two days in solidarity with Hana Shalabi.

Beit Ummar protesting in solidarity with Hana Shalabi

The weekly protest In Nil'in took place with participants demonstrating against the wall

Protesters in Nil'in raising the Palestinian flag

In Rafa, Gaza demonstrations were also held on Friday and outside Ofer Military Prison on Thursday.

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http://awalls.org/protests_in_solidarity_with_hana_shalabi_and_against_the_wall_brutally_suppressed_across_the_west_bank

Messages of support for Eat and Billy

Eat and Billy Sentenced to One Year and Eight Months

Billy Augustan and Reyhart Rumbayan (Eat) have been sentenced to one year and eight months in prison for an attack with molotov cocktails on a bank ATM in Yogyakarta on the 7th October 2011. The sentence includes the seven months they have already spent in prison awaiting trial.

Messages of support for Eat and Billy can be sent to blackhammer (at) riseup.net and will be taken into the prison. Letters can be sent to:

Billy Augustan & Reyhard Rumbayan
Lembaga Pemasyarakatan (LAPAS) Kelas IIB Sleman
Jalan Bedingin, Sumberhadi,
Mlati, Sleman,
Daerah Istimewa Yogyakarta

 

 

http://hidupbiasa.blogspot.com/2012/05/eat-and-billy-sentenced-to-one-year-and.html

Chicago, IL: Three anarchists arrested on terrorism charges

rom the press: CHICAGO — Three anti-NATO protesters charged with terrorism conspiracy planned to attack four Chicago police stations, the local campaign headquarters for President Barack Obama and the home of Chicago Mayor Rahm Emanuel, prosecutors alleged in court Saturday.
A fourth man also was charged Saturday, police said, but it was not clear if that case was linked to the other three.
While friends of the first three men insisted they were just operating a home brewery, prosecutors stated that police found a gun that fires mortar rounds, swords, a hunting bow, ninja-like throwing stars and knives with brass knuckle handles.
The beer-brewing operation, prosecutors added, was used to fill bottles with gasoline that would later be thrown as Molotov cocktails.
“Plans were made to destroy police cars and attack four CPD stations with destructive devices, in an effort to undermine the police response” to attacks on the Obama office, the Emanuel home as well as unspecified financial institutions during the NATO summit this weekend, the charging statement said.
The men were identified as 22-year-old Brian Church, of Fort Lauderdale, Fla.; 27-year-old Jared Chase, of Keene, N.H.; and 24-year-old Brent Betterly, who told police he resides in Massachusetts.
The three are “self-proclaimed anarchists, and members of the ‘Black Bloc’ group,” prosecutors said, without elaborating.
Michael Deutsch, an attorney for the men, denied that and said the men and their friends were in Chicago to “peaceably protest.”
The three were charged with conspiracy to commit terrorism, possession of an explosive or incendiary device and providing material support for terrorism. Bond of $1.5 million was set for each defendant.
Sebastian Senakiewicz, 24, was arrested at an Odell Avenue residence Thursday by a Chicago police intelligence team. He was charged Saturday with one count of weapons conspiracy. Police said he was conspiring with two or more others to make explosives including molotov cocktails to be used during the NATO summit. It was not immediately clear if he was conspiring with the first three.
Defense attorneys for Church, Chase and Betterly told a judge on Saturday that undercover police were the ones who brought the Molotov cocktails, and that their clients were entrapped.
Deutsch later told reporters outside the courtroom that, though he was just getting into the case and didn’t know all the evidence, he believed it was a setup. At least two informants “ingratiated themselves” with the three men, brought the materials and made the alleged plans, he insisted, calling it “an entrapment to the highest degree.”
But Chicago Police Supt. Garry McCarthy told reporters “the evidence speaks for itself” about what he called an “imminent threat.”
Cook County State’s Attorney Anita Alvarez said the investigation began weeks ago and local authorities had the help of the FBI and the Secret Service.
“The individuals that we have charged in this investigation are not peaceful protesters, they are domestic terrorists … these men were here to hurt people,” Alvarez said. ”They were making the bombs … (and had) directions on how to implement this.”
Read the full charging document
The charging document states that “while the Molotov Cocktails were being poured, Church discussed the NATO Summit, the protests, and how the Molotov Cocktails would be used … At one point, Church asked if others had ever seen a ‘cop on fire’ and discussed throwing one of the Molotov Cocktails into” a police station.
“Church stated that he also wanted to buy several assault rifles, and indicated that if a police officer was going to point a gun at him, then Church would be ‘pointing one back’,” the document states.
Six others initially arrested were released Friday. They were all detained in a raid Wednesday on a home in Bridgeport on Chicago’s South Side, the press reported.
Overall, 14 people have been arrested in the lead up to the summit, McCarthy said. When asked if more arrests were expected in this case, he said he was “not positive,” though he noted the investigation was ongoing.
But the group of protesters said what police thought was suspicious was actually a home beer-brewing operation.
“We were handcuffed to a bench and our legs were shackled together. We were not told what was happening,” one of those detained but later released, Darrin Ammussek, told the press. “I believe very strongly in non-violence, and if I had seen anything that even resembled any plans or anything like that, we wouldn’t have been there.”

http://waronsociety.noblogs.org/?p=4713#more-4713

Sadie and Exile have been transferred to a re-entry facility (IMPORTANT MAIL UPDATE)

According to the Federal Bureau of Prisons, ELF prisoners Sadie and Exile have been transferred to the custody of the Seattle Community Corrections Office after spending more than 6 years in full confinement.
These kind of facilities are half-prisons where the inmates are allowed to go out for work and not much else.
We will keep them on our prisoner list until their full release.
UPDATE: We just received word that they cannot receive mail at the address we posted. There is no way to send them mail that we know of at this time.

A Trajectory From Sparks to Fire: Federico Buono’s communiqué in solidarity with the members of the Conspiracy of Cells of Fire (Italy, Greece)

325 receives and transmits:
Dear comrades,
I want to give my little solidarity contribution to the members of the Conspiracy of the Cells of Fire through this piece of writing.
Federico Buono
-
“Revolution is existential struggle”
Panagiotis Argirou, a member of the Conspiracy of Cells of Fire
A Trajectory From Sparks to Fire…
From the darkness of social pacification a new propulsive force is emerging, which destroys and annihilates everything -regardless of anything else: normal daily life is being shattered and overturned like advancing darkness that refuses the drowsiness induced by the ‘artificial’ lights of stable certitudes.
Abandoning an insignificant world and the immovable reality of a life regulated by artificial mechanisms.
There exists no quiet acquiescence towards the respect of the rules of honour that sound human life, in a continuous repetition of mechanic gestures, artifacts in their essence, and which stop their ‘way of being’ in a limbo of frustrations.
Theory is put in practice and practice is put in theory without being stopped by neither a ‘collective no’, which determines the silence imposed in order no to lose the ‘certitudes of life’, nor by compromise.
When one’s hands and mind shake in unison in an exasperating rift of free conscience and free will, it means that from inside our awareness a dream bursts out, a dream transformed into real necessity to change the air that one breathes, in a destructive fire and for the destruction of the order which has been reigning so far – cutting off all ties.
The experience of ‘constant attack’ of the Conspiracy of Cells of Fire –which are far away form the world of ‘bourgeois laws’ – without any certitude, annihilates all that ‘allow’ the citizen to live an existence of claustrophobic normality.
Concentrating oneself on the concept of normal and abnormal sounds the way of life of those who demand from themselves and what surrounds them a sharp and opposing refusal of a life which means ‘no life’.
Concentrating oneself on necessary destruction and carry it out requires an effort which is bigger than one’s expectations. Expectations determine the state of permanent immobility and reduce one’s desires of revolt, in a mere representation of one’s daily life.
The intensity of choices that refuse all compromises and attack the legitimate society, with its codes and values, its uniforms and cops, sets us in conflict with our enemies, in a refusal of the imposed rules of a civilized living together.
This is total rupture with those instances of pacification, which want us to adapt to the current law and which always place themselves only on a position of reactive defence.
To take back one’s life has a deep significance in the reality we face every day: it is the experimentation of forms of attack that free the individual from the morals inside us, by totally annihilating the authority, which is no abstract principle but which is made of ‘flesh and bones’. In order to destroy this authority, one must ‘renounce’ any compliance towards what we feel belongs to us. ‘Renouncing’ breaks a wall made of social acceptation, discipline, sacred respect for friendship and life, for refusal of material and dialectic clash, and it creates the basis for refusing Authority and all its acolytes!
With their revolutionary outcome of negation of dominant values, the Conspiracy of Cells of Fire, with their actions as well as communiqués, brings about a new way of understanding the method of action, no longer based on the difference among classes but on the opposition to the ‘classes’.
The actions and communiqués that arrive at destination give ‘propulsive destruction’ to the world in revolt, and every time they turn over the stillness that creates fear of reaction, and in a perpetual movement, the reaction of ideas, in a leading abandonment of the revolutionary aspect!
‘We have never acted within the boundaries marked by orthodox social struggle that only speak the language of class struggle and economic analysis, obviously ignoring the individual responsibility of the representatives of authority. We are enemies of both the hand that holds the whip and the back that accept it passively. That’s why we speak of revolution in daily life, reversal of compromises and uniqueness of the individual.’
(Conspiracy of the Cells of Fire)
It destabilizes the way with which the members of the Conspiracy of Cells of Fire give strength to what they experienced without being subordinated to the
assumption of democratic laws and to the respect for those who, born poor, want to stay ‘poor’ in their lives, in a constant trajectory made of superficiality and submissiveness: the uniformed mass-appearance is advancing like a sea of mud, ready to sweep away all that does not ‘resists’ to it in its viscous vortex.
Albert Caraco wrote: “The world we live in is the Inferno tempered by nothingness, where the man who refuses to recognize himself prefers to immolate himself.”
When we face the reality we live in, we have to cope with main obstacles that are more complex than we think.
Each one makes choices with their free will made of obstacles to pull down or compromises to accept.
Without being stopped by any ‘social container’ whatsoever, the Conspiracy of Cells of Fire break and destabilize the existent of reactionary calmness.
And they do so also in so called anarchist movement everywhere, showing the ‘way’ but not teaching anything, because they ‘do not want anything’…
In this way a new form of antisocial and nihilist guerrilla bursts out, which does not accept to be inscribed in a stereotype of fake revolutionary feeling by the pedantic university professors of official anarchism and by the enthusiasts of the militancy for militancy’s sake. A guerrilla that determines its propulsive destruction in the revolutionary field, and which destroys any social concept.
Informality transforms its ‘being’ into a nihilist attack refusing all universal values that sound the surrounding world, and it overturns the logic of the
mass-stereotype that justifies the law.
“The law is the spirit of society. If society has a will, this is the law: society only exists thanks to the law.”
Max Stirner
In this, the enemy facing you has the same appearance: be it the policeman who has a right to arrest you or the democratic citizen who wants to report you (as he has such a right), they give the guerrilla a ‘right’ to hit the enemy, denying any requisite or class belonging.
While the courts of the constituted order attack and carry away without flinching, the members of the Conspiracy of the Cells of Fire experiment their action and totality, their ‘I want’, and overturn the concept of authority.
This concept creates regression because it uniforms all that was lived, and immobilizes any ‘individual’ in a penetrating way, the individual who had grown in a critical way by interiorizing his experiences.
Like corrosive acid authority ‘dissolves’ all solidarity, and puts everyone on the side of ‘imposed knowledge’.
The essential element increasing the gap between those who impose themselves and those who are inflicted imposition is a refusal of ‘personal responsibility’ by the dominated individual.
If you don’t take your own responsibilities because you want to get quiet sleep, you go back to a vision of sterile defence. Thinking subjects become silent subjects. They realize they are not acting and assimilate their thoughts to those of people with more experience, vitality, character (but according to some kind of hierarchy), thus determining their line of conduct with rules that suit them.
On the contrary the Conspiracy of the Cells of Fire determine themselves and overturn the role of specialization and leadership because “Power belongs to man, the world belongs to man, I belong to man.” (Max Stirner)
The unbridled action against the universe made of forced relations without a spark of free will is the base on which all the values of a mankind of ‘sleepwalkers’ must be destroyed.
It is imperative not to give in those who believe in the order of dominion, to knock down the barriers of common morals, which see the ‘exploited’ as a thinking subject who changes his values into their negation, and then, in mass-dominion society, he accepts and executes the imposed precepts as if they were part of his life.
If you don’t exasperate the contradictions you live in, you create asphyxiating normality.
Then this affects your choices, and slowly but inevitably it degrades to a sterile defence of your social space, and at the first sign of repression you just intensify this defence.
Dominant normality penetrates deeply in the choices and positions that are taken for the most part. Mental and material borders are created, which reproduce what dominion imposes and circumscribes in reality as official culture.
These ‘borders’ come out in repressive situations, where reality sink in a sort of empty memory of a trajectory totally opposed with what is normality. Radicalism abates and you feel like you are the master of your ‘little space’, which you protect with formal ‘fences’ in order to carry on your social life. Your ‘life’ made of experiences is annihilated in favour of uniformity of ideas, which creates a vicious circle.
In these conditions everything becomes a ‘justification’. The need to adapt to what the historical period requires comes out slowly, and there is no longer a clear perspective of this ‘justification’.
As we choose a trajectory of vehement radicalism we establish who our real enemies are.
If you say to me ‘you are vanguard’ because I choose action and refuse to die slowly in an inanition of desires, you are not saying anything.
Those who express their free will in a destructive act decide for themselves, and when they ‘fall’ they go ahead with their head held high!
‘We are not enrolled soldiers whose duty is revolution. We are warriors of satisfaction and we see the link between rebellion and life as a requirement for action. We don’t believe in any ‘right line’ to be followed.’
(Conspiracy of Cells of Fire from “The Sun Still Rises”)
Another aspect that emerges in opposition to the world surrounding us (and to what surrounds the anarchist movement) is the refusal to support the authority not only through ‘silence’ (which should be part of the DNA of all anarchists and revolutionaries) but also through the refusal of being filed or photographed.
The strength emerging from the letters of the members captured and now in the hands of the enemy is something that bursts out in magma of indescribable sensations: the Conspiracy members refuse to go back one millimetre as for their individuality, and this is no formal refusal.
Once again there’s no intention to give in to the respect for the imposed rules and turn one’s refusal and unfortunate ‘fall’ into material for victimising, which would only help dominion to establish what is ‘right’ and what ‘wrong’ in a relation of submission.
Coherent with their existence and without any authoritarian scheme, the imprisoned members of the Conspiracy of Cells of Fire issued the pamphlet ‘The Sun Still Rises’:
“We love what we did because it contains our whole essence, so the ‘Conspiracy’ is not only all of us but also each one of us.”
The second phase of the Conspiracy of Cells of Fire begins:
The instruments of knowledge are put in action, instruments that refuse vertically structures organizations and turn to the free choice to take one’s responsibilities at the time of action and of a possible ‘fall’ in the hands of the enemy.
Informality stays there and develops itself through theoretical basis without imposition or formal setting.
The destructive and propulsive force against any democratic instance also emerges in the second phase of the Conspiracy of Cells of Fire.
So any group or individual, in the wake of the first phase of the Conspiracy, can use the name thus stopping the assumptions of any authoritative seed.
Instruments are put at everyone’s disposal, without any kind of professionalism or moral dictatorship: any cell or individual can use the ‘passion’ unleashed by the Conspiracy of Cells of Fire, take in its revolutionary ‘experience’ and attack!
Attack in all its forms can be expressed with stones or explosive in a flowing up of events!
‘For us, the revolutionary subject is the one who liberates himself from the obligations of the present, put the status quo into question and takes part in the criminal search for freedom.’
(Conspiracy of the Cells of Fire, from ‘The Sun Still Rises’)
To liberate oneself from the obsession of ‘keeping’ something and to live the present and to pursue and carry on a trajectory that ‘attacks’ and does not totter, in front of a life consumed and made of empty existence, all this gives effective value to the destructive attacks carried out by the Conspiracy of Cells of Fire.
S.G. Necaev wrote: ‘The ruthless logic of those who really work for the cause must not stop in front of any fact that leads to the success of this very cause, and especially in front of the facts that are such that they save it and avoid its ruin.’
‘Not to stop’ in front of vague certitudes, not to establish the attenuation of one’s experience, refuse to play the role of victim of the ‘system’.
Here the members of the Conspiracy of Cells of Fire bring their experience.
The field of ‘if’ and ‘but’ is swept away by destructive acts carried out by revolutionary strength that make any logic of social adaptation sterile.
The Conspiracy of Cells of Fire emerges, bursts in, attacks and show its ‘way of being’ to those who liberate themselves from the chains of normal and stereotyped life and choose the field of action and urban guerrilla.
Each one with their ways and methods but with a base of informal and existential peculiarity.
‘It’s a wonderful moment when the attack on order is being carried out. Even at the beginning – when we knew it was rather imperceptible – we knew that very soon nothing would be as before, no matter what was to happen. It’s a force that begins slowly, speeds up its rhythm, goes beyond the no return point and inevitably causes what seems impregnable to explode – so firm and protected but already prone to fall down, demolished by conflict and disorder.’
(Conspiracy of Cells of Fire, ‘The Sun Still Rises’)
A post-scriptum must be written so that everyone makes their evaluations on what making choices means in a revolutionary and solidarity context.
As I’m writing this, I want to say that I am the direct responsible of what I am writing, and I take my responsibilities so that any individual can be free of agreeing or not, developing its content and make it their own.
This piece of writing talks about the Conspiracy of Cells of Fire because in their choices, attacks and communiqués they set a new way of understanding the ‘guerrilla’. But I want to remember hundreds of informal groups and single individuals which destroy the ‘certitude’ of the bourgeois thought and that of social pacification!
Revolutionary solidarity with the members of the Conspiracy of the Cells of Fire!
Federico Buono


http://325.nostate.net/?p=5317#more-5317

Corrupt Social Workers Attempt To Rid Themselves of Prisoner John Bowden

Edinburgh Criminal Justice Services, or what used to be known as the plain Social Work Department, have seriously compromised their professional integrity by defending a member of staff who deliberately told lies in a report to the Parole Boards in an attempt to sabotage my chances of release from prison. Behaving like corrupt policemen instead of traditional social workers seems now to be acceptable practice at Edinburgh Social Services.
In an official report for the Parole Board, written on 29/2/2012 Brendan Barnett, who works for Edinburgh Criminal Justice Services, made the following incredible claims about my original case in 1980:
“Secondary motives for using violence described by the trial judge and acknowledged by Bowden himself suggest a pattern of behaviour that allowed for the predatory targeting of vulnerable human beings on the margins of society defined by race or sexuality.”
“Bowden has suggested that his victims were easily discriminated against on the basis of race and sexuality.”
“There has been no investigation of the values and beliefs that informed Bowden’s targeting of individuals, i.e. what particular characteristics deemed a person worthy of attack: ethnic background, deviant sexuality.”
There is absolutely no evidence whatsoever to support Barnett’s bizarre claims, and in fact I was convicted in 1982, alongside two other men, of the murder of a white Caucasian heterosexual male during a drunken party in South London. If ethnicity was any sort of factor in the case, it was the actually represented in the defendants, two of whom were Irish and the third second-generation Irish; the victim was a native white South Londoner. Neither the police who investigated the case or the prosecution authorities, or indeed the judge, had ever claimed that either racism or homophobia had played any part in the case; Barnett’s claims are a total lie, as he well knew.
Naively, I imagined that by officially complaining to Barnett’s superiors, his lies would be exposed and the record put straight as far as his report to the Parole Board was concerned. Instead I was about to enter a sort of Kafkaesque nightmare.
On 2/4/2012, I was interviewed by Jackie Peters, Manager for “Risk Management Services” and Barnett’s immediate boss, and Sheila Ritchie, a “sex and Violent Offender Liaison Officer” and also a colleague of Barnett’s. Both made it absolutely clear that they intended to defend and support their colleague no matter what, even if it required some twisting of the facts and a total disregard for the truth. Throughout the interview I was treated with obvious contempt and at one point I was actually asked if any of my victims (I was convicted of one murder) were black or homosexual. Despite my constant protestations that neither race nor sexual orientation played any part whatsoever in my conviction, as the official files make clear, they steadfastly remained determined to somehow defend and justify Barnett’s lies. I eventually realised that the interview was meaningless and that their intention was simply to defend their colleague, so I told them that I would pursue my complaint beyond them and do whatever it took to expose Barnett’s lies. In their subsequent report they would describe this as a “threat” against Barnett. They also alleged I had been “angry and aggressive” towards them and tried to shift the focus from Barnett’s lies onto my behaviour during the interview, which they insinuated suggested a potential risk to both themselves and the wider community. The issue of Barnett’s lies was glossed over in their report and my complaint rejected. It’s important to remember here that we’re not dealing with some minor factual inaccuracy or a biased interpretation of established fact, a fairly common phenomenon in social work reports on prisoners; Barnett wrote blatant lies in his report, claims that had absolutely no basis in fact or reality, lies that are easily disproved by reference to the mass of information in my prison and social work file. Yet, those supposedly responsible for investigating my complaint decided that Barnett had done absolutely no wrong and that his report was completely acceptable. Protected by an occupational culture that views and treats “offenders” as things to be monitored, supervised and policed, authoritarian characters like Barnett believe they have total power over those under their supervision and with it the absolute right to increase their demonisation and dehumanisation, even by writing blatant lies about them.
Those who employ Barnett and those who work alongside him in the Edinburgh Criminal Justice Services must ultimately take responsibility for his behaviour, because by defending and supporting him they have seriously compromised their own integrity and are complicit in his dishonesty and his abuse of power. A more senior social worker, Stephen Laird, signed off Barnett’s report, and therefore gave the official seal of approval to his lies, which is whythose supposedly investigating my complaint, Peters and Ritchie, felt an even greater predisposition to support Barnett, even if his lies regarding my original offence were obvious and indefensible. This is how corruption spreads within institutions like the police and social services; defending and supporting colleagues who have abused their power, especially over people considered something less than human and utterly powerless, creates complicity and a general culture of abuse. The prison system and police are riddled with this culture, which is why the abuse and death of people in custody is widespread and why those responsible are rarely identified and prosecuted. It would seem that the “Criminal Justice Services” generally, including social workers and probation officers, are also contaminated by this culture of lying and treating “offenders” as people stripped of all basic rights; my experience with Barnett and his colleagues certainly illustrates this.
Undoubtedly, at my next parole hearing, Barnett will claim that by challenging the lies in his report, I have also challenged his authority over me and that I therefore represent a “High Risk of Re-offending” because of my adversity to being supervised by Barnett in the community. As always, Public Protection will be cited and used as a justification for my continued imprisonment, when in reality I shall probably remain in jail simply because I challenged Barnett’s lies.
I have now complained to Peter Gabbitas, Director of Health and Social Department in Edinburgh, who has overall responsibility for Barnett and his colleagues, and he has yet to even acknowledge my letter, which suggests a disinclination on his part to recognise either my existence or that of my complaint. Incredibly, it would seem that a pathological liar like Barnett has the absolute freedom to describe someone in an official report as a “racist and homophobic” seral killer without a shred of evidence, and absolutely no one in his entire department has the integrity or moral courage to criticise or expose him, and that apparently includes even the department’s Director. The complete absence of any basic integrity among those at Edinburgh Criminal Justice Services is both scandalous and deeply worrying for those under its supervision.
The response of Barnett and Edinburgh Criminal Justice Services to my exposing lies has been to ask the Scottish Prison Service to engineer my removal back to the English prison system, and on the 4th May Sharron Di Ciacca, Legal Service Manager of the Scottish Prison Service, wrote to me informing me that such a transfer would take place soon. Moving the “problem” on is of course a classic method of controlling and punishing “difficult” prisoners.
Edinburgh Criminal Justice Services should not be allowed to suppress or simply get rid of “offenders” who complain about and expose individuals like Brendan Barnett, and I ask all groups and individuals concerned about the treatment of prisoners and ex-prisoners at the hands of a corrupt social work department like Edinburgh Criminal Justice Services to write letters or e-mails of complaint to the following addresses:
Scottish Public Services Ombudsman, 4 Melville Street, Edinburgh, EH3 7NS. Social Work Advice and Complaints Service, Waverley Court, Level 1/7, 4 East Market Street, Edinburgh, EH8 8BG.
Michelle Miller, Chief Social Worker, Grindlay Court Social Work Centre, Criminal Justice Services, 2-4 Grindlay Court, Edinburgh, EH3 9AR.
Peter Gabbitas, Director, Health and Social Care Department, Waverly Court, Level 1/8, 4 East Market Street, Edinburgh, EH8 8DG.
John Bowden
You can also write to John at the following address:
John Bowden 6729 HMP Shotts Cantrell Road ShottsScotland ML7 4LE.


http://leedsabc.org/corrupt-social-workers-attempt-to-rid-themselves-of-prisoner-john-bowden/

Message from recently released antifascist Ravi Gill

I just hope this can even show 1% for the love I feel for those who supportted me, I’ll never forget you and love you always. NO PASARAN! As reported, yes I was releasd on Friday. I just wanted to take this opportunity to try and thank everyone who supportted me while I was inside. If ever I had any doubts on whether prisoner support had any effect I can say in total honesty that they’ve been quelled.
Throughout my sentence I was able to stay positive, strong and focused which I believe was down to the post and contact I got.
Honestly it was the wierdest thing but just the post was like a daily kick in the arse to remind me Im not alone. So please accept my heartfelt thanks for all the support, letters. cards, mags, money, leaflets, etc etc. If anything positive came out of the this experience (Apart from your support), I have seen with my own eyes the fallacy of a fair British (or worldwide) justice system. The whole thing is run by bullies with their own agendas, committing crimes in the name society.

Im now just getting back into normal life but wont forget our brothers and sister still incarcerated, even they wrote to me and Im proud to say Ive made a lot of new friends bothg inside and outside of the prison system.

Please if you’ve everv thought about writing to a prisoner, take it from me the letters make such a difference, for me it was the difference between getting depressed or making a stand against prison policies that were clearly wrong and sometimes illegal! Throughout my sentence though alone I felt I was on my own, it was the words of the kind people that wrote to me that kept me going, as Im sure governers Rielly and I’anson will confirm (sorry lads but ya never beat me!).

Letters make all the difference in keeping the mind strong, so please just send that letter. There are many comrades still inside worldwide so the battle goes on, of course my freedom is a source of joy but I hope you’ll excuse me if I dont celebrate to much as many people I now know, love and respect are still hostages of a corrupt system.

Thank you all Ill love you always. By the way I have a list of all who promised me a pint so will be collecting, its better you come to me HA! HA!

Till all are free,

Till the walls fall in a pile of dust.

We’ll drip like water and make the locks rust.

Draw your weapons and beat us senseless,

yet still we smile for our battle is relentless.

We fight for for what is right, you fight for a wage.

Thats why we stand proud, feel our rage.

For each you kill 10 more grow like a tree

because none are free till all are free

Ravi Gill

http://leedsabc.org/message-from-recently-released-antifascist-ravi-gill/

THE WOOD BURNS (en)

Dear Fenrir’s writers.

I just read your last publication and I want answer to the “debate” explicated into the lines of the editorial and in the next pages and I write you this mail:

At the page 61 of the last Fenrir number you put a paragraph on my absolution and the absolution of the comrade Mattia.But you put my name at the page 18 too, in reference to the CARI-PGG “Revolutionary Anarchist Cell – Gabriella Segata Antolini” attack. Until now it seemed to me that I was precise and conform to what you put in the above mentioned pages. My interest in “debate” arises spontaneously reading the paragraph on my absolution and the absolution of the comrade Mattia.

I mean that, at least to me, it’s fundamental to be “free” to express our selves, without any occlusion, and overall in anarchic context, nobody can tell to another anarchist “you have to do this or that”…

You as promulgators of Fenrir zine, are naturally free to express and express yourselves as you like… on this nobody can put his “voice” on that

Attention, because just specifying, and being specific, you can understand what I mean with “voice”:

I as individual, I won’t for sure force you to write what I want, but this because the paper is yours, as I feel mine (and my affines’), Edizioni Cerbero.

But since in the paragraph and in the CARI-PGG attack transcription there is my name, I want to specify that:

Some months before the end of the trial I put on internet, and I sent to comrades and affines, a text called:

“A break from the endless possibilities”

So, now, in the text, I wrote clearly and with a premise, fundamental to me, that I separated myself consequentially to the comrade Mattia, co-defendant with me into the trial for explosive material.

Some weeks after someone put this text on Indymedia Lombardia with a pseudonym that gives anonymity to this person.

I put hand to my fantasy and I put again with my name the complete text.

Now, to return to what I wrote above:

Who can, in a hidden way, not to put a premise, that sharply “cut” the text itself and make it seems that I and the comrade Mattia stay together in the trial, or continue into the same path with the same choices for both?

Each individual in his choices has to be free to do what he like, and not following any moral, he can use forms suited to him, to reach a result:

So, denying the moral (anarchist moral too), I don’t deny to another individual to put a text without the premise, but the same individual has to take his own responsibilities , when who wrote the text itself will read and will act consequentially.

I invited to the anonymous extensor to show him up, but without any result…

My interest point, into writing this to you, is to specify how I act, in anarchist context and that as individual, I defend with all my strength and all my claws.

I put a specific text, I don’t care if good or bad, but “clear”, without too many facets or references to who-knows-what “bourgeois justice”, to exploited and exploiters…

In the text it’s me “individual, inseparable from myself.

In the same way (the difference is present into the “non”-anonymity), meanwhile I as individual, make clear my choice, and to be more clear I write to who’s interested that he can write me to my e-mail, to “debate”, you don’t put absolute anything that could make understand to who read that my choice is completely opposed to that of the comrade Mattia, and this “rupture” is due to peculiar choices, that I made to preserve me as individual who put before him how to act in choices context.

However the comrade Mattia make the same thing writing a public text, by citing me, to make clear his choice.

This last text arrives to me from one of the Fenrir’s editors (right?) with a mode that I’d like to debate on with the same extensor of the mail that I received:

you text’s extensor, write “me”, but like if you talk with the comrade Mattia, right?

But this specific form of structural and synthetic simplification, is maybe nullifying the individual, and to consider “everything” as individual itself?

The form used presupposes the use of the subject as equal form of the structural form?

I come back saying that you being editors and owners of the zine Fenrir, you can move me as you want, but I’m free, since you wrote to “debate”, to “invite” too, without any anonymous form to the debate, inviting who is interested to the “debate” itself.

But primarily because this concerns my choices, that in your paragraph aren’t even mentioned, but is put a line that doesn’t make understand anything, if not that there was an absolution.

And there are 2 texts (more “Negare ogni resipiscenza” signed by both us co-defendants), that were published.

But now, I want to specify again:

You could put a note or a long text, your idea on the juridical theme and on the choices made in the context of “justice”, may them be for or against.

You embellished yourselves in the lines you write, to specify the various position in the anarchist context, that are specific for each individual that choose them but:

Nothing, like if I and Mattia had always gotten along, and both me and him did not separated in any way in the trial context.

I ask you:

How can a comrade understand the difference, if you don’t put anything that could make understand something different to the absolution?

And in the same way, you act in the field of simplification and nullification of any individual and peculiar choice, by citing my name wrote into the CARI-PGG claim text, but it was simple to put just a line more, that they give me solidarity!

But I ask you:

But how can the comrade to understand why CARI-PGG give me solidarity?

If you had put the part where they cite me (and I claim my support toward them in the attacks they made), the reader would read and understand that they gave me solidarity too, because they supported my anti-juridical conduct in the trial…

There’s no trace of this, and this make me think that you don’t care at all about what was the trial, or you have a divergent or opposing idea from mine, or from other comrades that made similar choices…

But what do you think about this?

It would be interesting to understand, but this in a extended way, and not only on my trial, or on my choices.

The systematic reduction of a communiqué (intended as communicate), can bring to the detriment of the meaning of the communication itself, because it narrows to a cancellation of the significant signs that the communiqué wants to give:

if I (in general) communicate something that doesn’t communicate anything, then the text becomes something that is incommunicable.

But I mean this not in the sense that a text must “say” something that is comprehensive at all, but it has to be something specific, because if not every text extensor’s communicative singularity is nullified.

I don’t care at all to “say” we’re all comrades, and I see in a specific way each peculiar difference.

So I’m or not free to act how I like?

I repeat: the zine is yours and you can act as you want, but if I read in 2 paragraphs that there’s my name and there’s nothing that could make understand that my choice was not Mattia’s choice, and that furthermore there’s a specific text on the trial against me, that there’s an invite to debate, then I can answer you…

Like, on the other hand, is omitted the part of the CARI-PGG claim where they give me solidarity for a precise reason (that in the claim paragraph there’s not), that is that of my trial choice and my choice to revoke the lawyers, and my trying in all ways to nullify the use of legal right.

Now, you can don’t answer me too, but why, which is the reason, in a specific note in the CARI-PGG claim, not to put that they give me solidarity because of precise reasons?

Into the anarchist context, but not the stereotyped one, individual choices are fundamental: they’re the essence  of the individual itself.

Into the anarchist context, the individual who propose itself and make a personal choice, in which he takes his own responsibilities, acts in a clear way and without hiding anything.

Into the anarchist context, individual essence is his acting as he like more, breaking when and how he wants any imposition, may it be moral or material.

Into the anarchist context, the individual doesn’t have to submit to anything that can impede him his free will and if he has to act because he made a choice, he’ll do it, even if the others won’t agree with him.

Into the anarchist context, acting has to be go against too, without content the majority, and if he has to break to preserve his peculiar essence, he’ll do it, and the moral won’t stop him.

Into the anarchist context, the use of own Ego is the essence itself of the individual, who’ll start from his own choice, essential to himself, and just after, joining him in a informal way he’ll can come to “terms” with another individual.

But without submit to any law that could stop him from “breaking” this union, if doesn’t want anymore to, respect to his inseparable singularity.

My letter to you wants to preserve my individuality that, into the trial context, broke, to continue my individual choice, because ceased that affinity in the choices of own way to act into the trial against me and the comrade Mattia.

With the comrade Mattia, I talked about this and other openly, without remain silent on anything, and he continued in his choice that is his choice and just his, as on the other and I did, without submit to any stupid anarchist moral imposition in saying and doing.

You didn’t put anything that could make understand the total difference between me and the comrade Mattia, into the trial against us.

And you repeated this into the CARI-PGG attack claim text, omitting that the solidarity was due to specific reasons into the trial context and of the logic right use.

At this point I ask you:

But how do you intend “debate”?

Fede and for total sharing Maurizio/Ed. Cerbero