Some Articles from West Papua Resistance Movement

Letter from Papuan Political Prisoner Buchtar Tabuni (Police Isolation Cell, 18 January, 2011 )

LETTER OF COMPLAINT FROM BUCHTAR TABUNI TO THE CHIEF OF POLICE IN PAPUA

Police Isolation Cell, 18 January, 2011

To:
Police-General Bekto Suprapto,

With respect,

With regard to my detention in a police isolation cell for almost two months, I wish to raise the following problems with the Chief of Police in Papua:

1. Will the police in Papua explain what my status is, whether I am a detainee (tapol) or a convicted political prisoner (narapidana). If I am being held as a detainee in connection with the riot that occurred in Abepura Prison on 3 December 2010, I ask to be given an arrest warrant by the police for the period that I have been held in a police isolation cell . And whether what I myself did together with Filep Karma at the time of the riot was not in fact an attempt to calm things down while trying to be a link between the prison officers and the prisoners who were involved in the riot. If my status is that of a narapidana, I hereby ask to be transferred to Abepura Prison Class IIA. This is because being held in an isolation cell by the police in Papua has had the following very damaging consequences for me:


a) My father, Jen Tabuni, who was 54 years old, passed away on Sunday, 9 January 2011 in Papani Kampung, in the Papuan interior. The cause of death was that, after hearing that I had been taken from a police cell and thinking that I had been kidnapped, he suffered a stroke, fainted and died. This was because there was no information about my whereabouts after I had been separated and placed in an isolation cell by the Papuan police, without any clear reason being given for this;

b) Ever since being separated and held in an isolation cell of the Papuan Police, I have not received any edible food and on some occasions, I have not been given any food and drink at all, as a result of which I have been drinking the water in the tub in the bathroom. The lack of decent food and drink has given me serious gastric problems;

c) My body is turning yellow and I often feel giddy when I stand up. This is because of the lack of sunlight, the lack of vegetables and because the vegetables I do eat are boiled as a result of which I am anaemic as well as suffering from gastritis which means that my health is deteriorating.

2. If the police here in Papua fail to respond speedily to my complaints, I will go on hunger strike until my complaints are dealt with.

Letter of complaint from:

Buchtar Tabuni

Papuan political prisoner

Buchtar Tabuni

Notes - Buchtar Tabuni is a West Papuan Political Prisoner who was arrested on December 3, 2008, in his house in Sentani, near the Sentani airport, Jayapura, for organizing protests against the shooting of his relative, Opinus Tabuni. He was sentenced to three years’ imprisonment under article 160 of the Criminal Code for inciting hatred against the Indonesian government. . He has been active while in prison also.

On the third of December 2010 he and fellow political prisoner Filep Karma approached the prison governor to ask questions after hearing that another prisoner, Miron Wetipo, had been shot dead by military after escaping from Abepura prison. Disturbances later broke out amongst the other prisoners. Buchtar, Filep, and another three prisoners were blamed for the riot and transferred to the police headquarters where they have since been held in the atrocious conditions Buchtar describes in his letter.

More information: Human Rights Watch report detailing the situation of Buchtar Tabuni and other Papuan and Malukan political prisoners: http://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/reports/indonesia0610webwcover_0.pdf
Information about the current situation of Buchtar Tabuni and the other four prisoners who are charged for the events of the 3rd December 2010: http://westpapuamedia.info/2011/01/06/1459/

http://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/reports/indonesia0610webwcover_0.pdf
http://westpapuamedia.info/2011/01/06/1459/

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To Rediscover our own History is to Unearth Hope.
People on the left consider the anti-authoritarian movement, and especially the anarchists, as something that is childish or just imitating the west, the creation of people that do not yet understand their own identity. Their reasoning is straightforward, because there is no anti-authoritarian history in Indonesia. Indonesian society, we are told, is a feudal society that is not capable of acting without a command structure and an elite leadership; the actions that are glorified by adherents of anti-authoritarianism always refer to Western states. That’s because, they say, anti-authoritarianism and anarchism are absolutely irrelevant in the Indonesian context.

But let’s take a look just how these people on the left have only one talent: to lie.

Just as this world is the logical consequence of the accumulation of power in the hands of a select elite, so will it reap a ripe harvest of resistance everywhere and in many different forms. Of all this resistance, only a small amount is known about, mainly because dominant power is organised so that all resistance will be forgotten by history and wiped from the memories of the people. If there is something that is permitted to stay remembered, the design is such that it is only to be remembered for its failings, not for its victories.

Various media discuss popular uprisings and resistance in different areas, but without really giving much true understanding. ‘Militant’ media such as Rumah Kiri which is nowadays dominated by trotskyists actually occasionally publishes well-documented articles about the worker's resistance that takes place directly despite all attempts to organise labour, such as that written by the Perhimpunan Rakyat Pekerja (PRP). But also unwittingly, by placing these next to other articles that are orientated towards power and the stability of the system, this becomes one more way to reintegrate those workers into the social order once more. In the same way that the binary opposites of the old world prove once more their ineffectiveness - or even intentionally fail to get to grips with the poverty of life at the most fundamental level - and what happens instead is that aspirations for a free life are buried.

In the informal organisations of classic resistance, in the early days of Indonesian independence, many “criminal” actions took place, which also formed a critique of centralised power. Similarly, nowadays, we see many actions which not infrequently bear the scent of violence, that are also often labelled as ‘criminal acts’. In both the above cases the significant thing is not their criminality nor their violence, it is the rebellion that has the potential to build up the positive hopes of those that crave a life that can be lived more fully. Purging the influence of the historical experts and professionals of social science, we can highlight a few examples of actions that simply cannot fit within the pigeonhole of standard protest actions: such actions as those marches with people clinging on to their banners and placards, walking to a government building, shouting with a megaphone, negotiating with representatives of power. And then going back home again, accompanied by the chant “we’ll be back again with even greater numbers!”.

Around 1945 in the area of Brebes-Tegal-Pemalang (Central Java) poor farmers, feeling let down and angry, urged on by local criminal personalities, started to attack the rural elite, shaming the nobility and in several cases killing them. When some of their prominent members were arrested by TKR (Indonesian military that the newly independent central government approved of), they formed their own commandos with the aim of freeing their friends. In the end they were destroyed by the military allied with moderate Islamic groups that were dominated by the middle class. Of those imprisoned, some were sentenced to death. The almost spontaneous explosion of action, although not well-organised, was nevertheless a rebellion that not only fought physical poverty, but also the poverty of living, and also showed how the central government power was irrelevant to the actual needs of the local people.

Several decades later in North Sumatra, in a place known as Porsea, a paper factory was forced to its knees thanks to the unabating wave of action set in motion by the local people. This popular action was not commanded by intellectuals, movement leaders or political activists, and truly involved all layers of society including mothers and their children, making blockades, that sometimes were sometimes merely their own bodies, facing down the company's trucks. There were no moderate demands such as for nationalisation of the factory, they only desired one thing: that there would be no factory near to their homes. After the fall of Suharto and the talk of a 'democratic era', the factory started to operate again, but the people were not as militant as before. What had happened was that certain figures of the LSM and activist movement that had sprung up had managed to make the community of Porsea understand how to carry out 'civil protests suitable for a democratic environment'. The result was that the factory could operate smoothly while the people's representatives wasted time at the diplomatic table with no conclusion. The actions of the people of Porsea only show one thing, that only direct action brings results, not the democratic diplomacy supported by intellectuals.

In 2001 the government gave notice of a new labour law that would force the workers into a corner, as part of its efforts to ensure the 'health' of the national economy. Ignored by the intellectuals who were busy debating on television without producing any result, workers in Bandung went on strike. Regardless of whether or not they had the approval of the trade union in each factory, the workers took to the streets. Without many banners, flags or megaphones, when they came to the government buildings they didn't negotiate but instead started hurling stones at the building, and overturning and burning cars that were parked in the building's compound. When the police arrived firing tear gas, the angry workers would disperse. But they wouldn't return home quietly however, they regrouped in small groups with no central command, leaving the government building to break shop windows and damage expensive cars along the routes they followed. On the second day, transport workers responded to the workers' action by carrying out a mass strike. Any public transport vehicle that did not join the strike was held up and bombarded with stones by the strikers. Beset by the violent action of workers and the lack of public transport, the production and transportation of capital was forced to a halt. On the third day, the army was sent to transport terminals and forced the drivers to resume the service. Factories that had been meeting places for the workers were visited and the workers forced back to work. The movement leaders were arrested . A shocked media, before they really had a chance to think about it, spontaneously aired the news across the nation, which only helped to provoke similar actions in various other places. As workers' revolts erupted in various cities without being able to be extinguished, the government let it be known that the new law would be cancelled.

In 2002 the government announced a rise in fuel prices and a fuel truck was sequestered by a group of students who made it known that they were going to hold the on their campus as a symbolic protest. But in the small city of Cimahi, a criminal motorbike gang arrived at a petrol station, and forced the workers to fill their tanks for free, threatening violence if they didn't. As other people around were shocked by this sudden action, the gang members encouraged them all to fill their tanks for free under the gang's protection. In a moment, the local people flooded the petrol station and took the fuel with nothing to stop them. Not long afterwards the gang left the pumps and dispersed, as did the local people. The police that arrived were not able to arrest anyone since everyone around had participated in the plunder. What can be indirectly taken from this event is how the action of one group finds its own way to link in with a wider social environment. In the eyes of the local people, there was nothing to condemn about a motorbike gang hijacking a petrol station.

At the beginning of 2009, a medium-sized cargo ship was sailing the Java Sea when it suddenly changed it's course and started sailing towards the borders of Indonesia. An upheaval had occurred inside the ship. Originating from a loathing of the captain who always forced the crew to work harder than their physical limits could support, it reached it's peak when the ship's cook attacked the captain with a kitchen knife. The captain's cries for help were responded to by the crew who instead of helping captured the captain and then threw him overboard with no life-jacket. Shocked at their own spontaneous action, they did not choose anyone to replace the captain. Together they decided to make decisions by consensus, as a replacement for the system where one decisions would be taken based on the wishes of only one leader. So the ship started to move away from Indonesian territory, when an Indonesian navy vessel intercepted them at the border of the Malacca Straits. The interesting point about this case is how consensus decision making comes about spontaneously without being aware that that is exactly the most revolutionary thing that the crew could do at that point, after they had effectively got rid of the dominant power.

Each of these cases, whether the assassination of nobility, blockading actions without compromise or the wish to be pacified, the violent action of factory workers , the holding-up of a petrol station and the takeover of a ship, can of course be regarded as a criminal action that disobeys the law, if it is removed from its actual context. But in each case, if we look a little deeper, we can also see the process of deconstruction of values. What was previously considered the right thing to do, actually does not take the side of the people and their everyday lives. When looked at in terms of morality and of right and wrong, are not all the above cases not simply responses to other actions which are far more clearly wrong, and because of that more immoral?

Providing a clear context for how to escape from the shackles of moral values and popular opinion about right and wrong is obviously something very important. Because of this it is something that will be resisted by the power elite or the established intellectual class, ie. the status quo. The measns they will use are by manipulating symbols and portraying all these actions as criminal acts, violations of the law that can only lead to more widespread chaos. Successful attempts at criminalisation are usually supported by those who take the role of intellectual figures such as experts in social studies, movement leaders, NGO campaigners, and the media, who all try to sever each action from its social context and instead shoehorn it into a choice of right or wrong, legal or illegal, violent or non-violent. The first step is always so, an attempt to make the public respond with antipathy. The next step is also significant, erasing it from history, or written history at least.

The powerful always try to remove from official history every action that does not have their blessing. Official history is history that only the winner writes. There is no place for those that lose, and if there is then it is only the story of how their failures; their successes, although they may be as minute as a drop of morning dew, are not highlighted. The lack of adequate history from the past shapes ways of thinking and methods of control in the present. An example, indeed the most striking example, is the absence of official history as taught in schools regarding human life before the birth of power into the hands of a small elite, about life in the old times when humans were fairly egalitarian with no government, specialists, army or police. This understanding eventually brings a sense of pessimism that reaches across modern society, especially in our surroundings, a pessimism about the possibility for a life that is egalitarian without the need for government, police or specialists to exist. It is unsurprising if the usual response when people hear anarchists' proposals for a society without government is: “Is there is no government, how will we be able to live properly?”, or the more sarcastic comment “If there are no police, surely people will kill each other in the streets?”. These questions really are an expression of the result of the systematic erasing of history.

We could venture another question, about why protests nowadays are never more than a demonstration of people walking towards some government building, and culminating in some diplomatic negotiations that have never ever brought any results wherever they have arisen, other than maintaining the status quo. From the various responses we hear to this question, there is always some connection with the poverty of history: because there is no reference point for any other forms of protest that have ever taken place in this country. The post-independence history books only make note of the student protests in the 1960s - where not long afterwards the student leaders underwent a transformation and became part of the political elite. Therefore, in the mind of the public, this is one form of protest that can be carried out, because from what they see there have never actually been other forms of protest.

There is no path that can be better believed, or better understood, other than asserting our identity and the steps forward we take today by taking our references from those who have been in similar positions in the past. An understanding of the past tells us about who we are, and the choices of our predecessors, and also has relevance in drawing the map of the terrain on which we will play in the future. Exploring the past, without becoming trapped in it or idealising events that have happened in previous times, actually can make our present situation more concrete. We feel the connection more strongly and we become aware of the alienation that lurks in the places we dwell. To do this, we need to be able to find our lost history (or purposefully lost history), and evaluate it once again from our own points of view. In this way we can get a complete picture of our lives, an individual resurgence that resounds with the rhythm of the social need to discover the totality.

The history that is not included in the official historical dictionary is a tool we can use to build the structures for social war. Its documents can be found in unusual places, in the songs and stories of the people, or in oral history that has never been written down. Oral history especially is a different method of history, as it is more egalitarian. As Kuntowijoyo once said, oral history actually contributes a great deal to the development of the substance of history. Firstly, because of its contemporary character, oral history presents almost unlimited possibilities for unearthing history directly from those who made it. Secondly, oral history can include historical actors that official history leaves disregarded. This is because it is not an elitist image of reality: each and every person can become one of history's figureheads. Thirdly, oral history makes possible an expansion of the scope of history, because history is not limited to that for which written documents exist. Now all that remains is for us to rediscover it within our own surroundings.

To define the poverty of our own lives, there must really also be a redefinition of what prosperity means. To redefine the shape of protest is also to redefine the meaning of right and wrong in our own lives, and of ideas about what is suitable for us to struggle against. No more is there a standard format that we should follow, no longer are there limits to a blueprint that has been given to us by movement figureheads that only see one possibility, no longer are possibilities closed off due to pessimism. Poor farmers of Mexico re-found their roots through a rediscovery of the meaning of the struggle of Emiliano Zapata at the start of the 20th century and transformed it into the Zapatista movement - maybe this is a wake-up call to remind us, not to become followers or idolizers of the Zapatistas, but to start rediscovering our own routes, on our own land, in order to find the successful methods for our own struggles.

Forget Spain 1936. Forget Budapest 1956. Paris 1968. Greece 2008. Let's fight on our own land. Right now.

-translated from Amor Fati magazine number 4. Original title "Menakar Tanah di Negeri Sendiri dan Menggali Harapan"

http://hidupbiasa.blogspot.com/2011/03/to-rediscover-our-own-history-is-to.html#more


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--700 Special Police Force arrive at Kulon Progo

The people of Kulon Progo call for your international solidarity as they resist corporate greed and ecological destruction, please spread this information and act. More info + links to follow.

Thursday Morning, 24 February, mining corporation wants to re-open its office and operational sites which already been closed and destroyed by the peasants December last year. Failed.

Monday, 28 February, media noted that Jogja Magasa Iron and some Japanese investors failed to come.

Wednesday, 2 March, 9 cars with heavy arms police guard came to the pilot project for only 10 minutes.

Yesterday Morning, 7 March, 31 Police truck, 700 special police force (called Mobile Brigade), water cannon, detention car, police dogs, tear-gas, and heavy weapons came to the village…

WE NEED IMMEDIATE SOLIDARITY NOW!
Kulon Progo Self-organised Struggle Against Neoliberal Megaproject

http://hidupbiasa.blogspot.com/

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News from the Social War in Sulawesi
In recent weeks several acts of uncompromising solidarity with people's struggles around the Indonesian State have taken place on the island of Sulawesi,, from one end to another, in the cities of Makassar and Manado. Here is a short chronology of some ignited passions:



March 22, Makassar: McDonalds fast-food restaurant attacked


On the 22nd March, several individuals armed with rocks destroyed the glass shopfront and door of the multinational fast-food restaurant on Jalan Perinitis Kemerdekaan, leaving behind a communique:
“For the exploitation in Bima (West Nusa Tenggara), for Kulon Progo, West Papua and other places. State and Capital will have to face our fury”
March 25, Makassar: Burning of BCA Bank ATM

from Tempo Interactive, Makassar : A BCA ATM located outside the University of East Indonesia (UIT), Jalan Rappocini, Makassar was set alight by unknown individuals. The arsonists, who identified themselves as the “Got is Tot Insurrectionary Front” left behind them a communique, filled with threats.

from inilah.com, Makassar: Whoever set fire to BCA's ATM on the University of Eastern Indonesia (UIT) on Jalan Rappocini Raya, on Friday (25/3/2011) left behind a sheet of paper with their message.
This paper, which was illustrated with a picture of a hand-grenade, bore the title:
“The State, Military Institutions and Police as well as Capitalists are the Real Terrorists”.
The document continued as follows:

“PT Indomining (Bima) has been brutally repressing the local population, Jogja Magasa Internasional wants to evict 30,000 farmers in Kulon Progo. Farmers in Takalar are facing the threat of land-grabbing. These actions are carried out in a brutal way, including shootings, terror, sexual harassment as well as the various forms of repression that we never hear about in the mainstream media.
That's not surprising because these capitalist-bureaucratic companies do not care about anything except making their wallet thicker!" (All the above was written in large capital letters).

“Our attacking of an ATM (bank) is an important target, because banks are always involved in financing natural resources and the repression of the people in the name of capital! We have no intention of injuring anyone, the destruction of property is not violence! No mercy for the forces of repression! No mercy for the State and Capitalism!”
April 4, MANADO burning of BCA bank ATM:

from beritamanado: The burning of one of BCAs ATM machines in Tanjung Batu caught the attention of all passers by and neighbours. The arson attack resulted the burning of a BCA ATM machine in Jalan Sam Ratulangi Wanea , on Tursday 4/4 around 01.30 Central Indonesian Time

beritamanado's observations at the scene of the incident showed the machine and the room that housed it to be burnt, the glass was smashed, the air conditioning machine that was inside the room was also burnt. A CCTV camera was also burnt and its remains scattered over the floor.
Although everything seemed thoroughly burnt, the money store was only singed, as was the receiver from the back-up data of the CCTV recorder. This afternoon around 16.00 Central Indonesian time, bank workers and Manado Police had secured the receiver in the ATM room.
It is supposed that BCA's ATM was deliberately burnt, as near to the location was found a communique containing threats written by the International Conspiracy for Revenge, with references to events that had happened in different places around the country.



Translated Communique of the Action on 04/04 in Manado:

INTERNATIONAL CONSPIRACY for REVENGE

This attack is revenge for what the STATE and CAPITAL have done in: BIMA, TAKALAR & PANDANG RAYA (Makassar), KULON PROGO (Jogja), PERSIL IV (Medan), BUYAT, PAPUA and many other places.

We have become sick and tired of all the standard methods that are never listened to. Now, by a counter attack we make sure our voice is listened to - much louder!

And it's not over yet!!

We will burn and destroy more of their property that destroys life and all its beauty.

We will go further and with more force to avenge all their acts of stealing or imprisoning life's pleasures and desires.

It is already well understood that it is insufficient to just keep quiet and just let everything be mediated by specialists. That would be the same as the student activists and political parties that continue to dupe us with their empty promises.

There are no more reasons to remain passive and not to counter-attack. This is WAR!

War that we direct at all the forces of repression: bureaucrats, corporations, police and military institutions, law courts, prosecutors and lawyers and the mass media.

War on those who refuse to take up arms and take back their lives. Because tomorrow it will be much too late. It's now or never!!

News of these actions, and also direct action around the world in solidarity with Indonesian struggles, is posted on http://indonesianintifada.wordpress.com

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--People of Wera Resist Iron Sand Mining Corporations.

[For the past few years, people around Bima, the eastern part of the island of Sumbawa, have been forced to resist companies who seek to mine the metal-rich volcanic sands around the islands coasts. This article, focussing on Wera district, describes some of the impacts of mining being felt by communities and a few of the direct actions the people take when those who claim to be their representatives let them down. The actions mentioned here are only reflect a small fraction of the resistance and repression experienced in this ongoing conflict zone]

The Corporations Arrive to Mine Iron Sands.

In the last 10 years, the raw materials for making steel have been a source of growth in several countries whose economies are now developed, such as China, India, Singapore and Australia. This has led to developing countries with limited technology becoming targets for their expansion. Indonesia is one of the countries affected by this, which has been demonstrated by KepMendag (decision of the trade minister ) number 38 of 2008 which establishes that raw materials such as iron sands will be exempt from export duty. The central government has also granted wider access to mining capital through two pieces of policy, regulation number 4 of 2009 concerning mineral and coal mining and regulation number 25 of 27 concerning capital investment. Through these two policies local governments get the power to issue mining permits, thus enabling investors to plunder the natural riches of an area with ease.

In 2004 the Bima regency government issued permits to four companies: PT Jagad Mahesa Karya, PT Indomining Karya Buana, PT Global Resourse and PT Lianda Intan Mandiri, who were authorised to extract sand from an an area of 3770 hectares, extending from dry land over the beach and into the sea. Local people who live and own land along the Wera coast have never been involved in the process of granting these permits. In 2008 the companies began their operations, building facilities to process the sand. For the people of Bima, who have a strong cultural connection with nature and their land, the presence of these mining companies posed a clear threat to their livelihood.

Impacts.

Iron sand is a mineral that can be found near beaches, swamps and river mouths; deposits normally extend from the surface to a depth of 15 meters. The process of extraction of iron sand involves passing the material through a machine equipped with a magnet that separates the iron sand from non-metallic components such as sand, earth and rocks. Mineworkers call this process magnet separator processing.

The magnet separator produces pure iron sand based on its metal content. The excavated material is divided into 5 parts in the processing and the coral, water, sand and soil are disposed of as liquid and solid waste. The iron sand meanwhile sticks to the magnet and is transported via conveyor belt to a storage place or warehouse. From the warehouse the sand is taken to the loading area at the docks to later be transported to the buyer's location.

From a physical perspective this mineral extraction process seems straightforward, but this does not reveal its true capacity for destruction. The extraction activities have many adverse effects, both in terms of environmental damage and and of social/economic impacts.

The process of dredging sand will destroy protected shoreline environments, usually mangrove and pine forests. In the case of Wera however, the shoreline area is dominated by local people's agricultural land. Of course, iron mines operated by big companies will not be limited to one or two meters, but will extend over thousands of hectares, stretching along the coast for dozens of kilometres.

If someone should visit the area for the first time during or after the mining operation, without having seen how the land was before, they would not be aware of the extreme change that had occurred in this area. The local people living near the mine have a very different way of seeing the effects, as they can readily compare how the area used to be before the mining operations started and afterwards.

Aside from shaving off the outermost part of Wera's territory, the extraction of iron sands will alter and damage the natural sea defences that represents a habitat for crabs and other biota. The extraction will turn the land into vast holes, and leave behind residues containing free radicals of metal elements.

The magnetic process to separate iron sands is very water-thirsty. To separate 50,000m3 of iron sands requires some 20,000m3 of water and to meet this requirement the company plans to build a dam at the river mouth and divert the flow of the river through a big pipe to the processing plant. The damming of this river will inundate farmland, settlements and other focal points for local people's activities.

Aside from this, the other adverse effects of the dam include damage to ecological systems which, while they may not immediately noticeable, will nevertheless be felt by local fishermen. Effectively it could mean the mass extinction of the rich marine biodiversity. Each time the sand is processed, a fraction is separated off and the remainder is disposed of as waste. The amount that is disposed is dependent on the iron content of the sand at the place of extraction. Non-metallic chemical compounds used in the process are released into the water and environment at the point of waste disposal. There are likely to be mass die-offs of the fish that would usually live in the river and nearby coastlines. If any fish do survive, they will not be fit for human consumption.

We can be sure that if large scale mining operations (tens of thousands of tons) should go ahead, not only the environment will be damaged, but a domino effect will take place with widespread effects on the social and economic livelihoods of the people of Wera.

Since the exploitation commenced, there has been disruption to the people's means of supporting themselves. The iron sand mine has destroyed marine life with the result that local fishermen have lost their source of income. Similarly in the farming sector, people who own land in the area can be affected through rising water levels and the infiltration of sea water. An effect of this is that fresh water will become salty, resulting in damage to crops.

The Wera People's struggle and State Repression.

For the people of Bima, who have strong ties to nature and to their land, the presence of a mining company represents a clear threat to their livelihoods. However, an environmental impact assessment has never been carried out, nor any study of the social impacts that might arise. The reason the people protest to oppose iron sand mining is because it is evident that the only negative impacts for local people can come from the three companies' operations.

Every year, PT Indomining should pay royalties of 1.5 billion Rupiah (US$180,000) but it has always been uncertain whether this actually happens, and if it is actually paid, then its allocation is also less than clear. There are some underhand dealings between the regency government, in this case Bima's Bupati (regency leader) H. Fery Zulkarman, ST, and PT Indomining and the other two companies. Members of the regency government and local council do not show a will to resolve the conflict, and even try to stir up horizontal conflict, finding people who agree with the mining to oppose those who are fighting it.

The real problem is not whether or not the various regulations are met, such as the conditions for investment, contract of work, or the environmental impact assessment. The most serious wrongdoing of the mining corporations how they frequently steal land which provides local people their means of support, giving this criminal act an air of respectability by using a term which translates as 'releasing land'. This is supported by the existence of legal regulations which facilitate the companies' exploitation of the people's land. The situation is yet worse with the underhand actions of local government and security forces which are used as a tool to repress the affected people's acts of resistance.

Because of all this the people of Bima fought back as strongly as they could. Although it has frequently been met by repression, the people's struggle does not show signs of decline.

In June 2008, local people took action at the offices of the local people's representative council (DPRD) and of the Bima Regency, but this did not yield results. Disappointed by the local government and council's attitude, the people went on to wreck the company's facilities for processing sand. Hundreds of cops from the mobile brigade (Brimob) and the Bima city police headquarters then came to the people's villages and attacked like crazed pigs, leaving many people wounded from police beatings and tens of people arrested. Afraid of further police brutality, thousands of people ran to seek refuge in the forests and mountains some distance from their villages.

The names of people arrested during this action were: Haji Wahab, Ridwan Yusuf, Abdul Rahman, Arifin, ArisFandi, Masrin, Masrun Karim, Yasin, Hasanuddin, Burhan, Sri Hartati, Sahruddin, Imran and Hasan. Apart from this, a local person by the name of Mohammed Saleh was taken to Wera health clinic in a state of unconsciousness.

The pressure on local people continues until the present day. What's even more manipulative, many thugs have been paid to protect the mine and intimidate anyone who fights against it. Of course it is the mining companies that are behind these thugs.

The people's struggle continues through 2009 but not on a massive scale, maybe due to the trauma from the repression meted out to the people. Another factor which caused weakness in the people's resistance movement was the lack of communication between farmers / villagers in the different villages of Wera affected by the mine, not managing to organise a wider struggle. The fight seemed somewhat sectarian.

June 2010 saw the first export of the iron sand produced in Wera to China. To be precise, 10,000 tons was exported in this first shipment, from Oi Tui village by PT Jagad Mahesa Buana. This sand had been mined manually by local people, and then processed to become pure iron sand. The target for iron sand shipment was set to increase by 50,000 tons a month, aiming to reach 200,000 tons per month after 1 year. You can just imagine the huge negative effect that this increasing quantity of iron sand extraction would have on the people of Wera.

An ironical statement was given by Regional Secretary Muhammad Nur, who said that the conflict seen in certain villages (Radu village, Sangiang village, etc) would not spread to the other villages. Meanwhile the facts show that the people of Oi Tui also displayed a strong resistance to mining activities. Nur also said that security in the area allocated for mining expansion was not only the burden of the army and the police, but the people were also responsible for their own land. Because if the people are able to consolidate and maintain security, investment will flow which will clearly have a positive impact on the people's own financial security.

Acting from its own agenda, the Bima local government has tried to give the impression that mining has the potential to make an important contribution to supporting the local economy as it will be accompanied by investment and foreign exchange, and that it will clearly stimulate growth in other sectors and provide job opportunities for people near the area, especially in the Wera district.

This perspective is of course a lot of rubbish, and moreover misleading. Obviously enterprises such as mining corporations have a need for professional workers who are specialised in that field. Also obvious is from the time it is set up a company will employ skilled people who will take care of the strategies for production and distribution of its products. These skilled workers will not be local Wera people or youth who in general support themselves through farming or fishing. If they should find other employment, the likelihood is that it will be as a state employee, and even then probably not in a high-ranking position.

This raises a few basic questions. If people near the mine are already accustomed to living within a traditional economic culture, why should they be forced to accept mining investment with open arms, when it is exactly that which will destroy the natural environment and endanger their traditional sources of income? Do the people really need it? Like what happened in Papua. Within 14 years of Freeport starting operations in 1973, Papua's Mount Ertsberg had been transformed into a gigantic hole 200 metres deep and with a diameter of 600 metres. Or the people of Buyat bay who were mostly fisherfolk, but lost their livelihoods and their homes when they were forced to evacuate after the mining activities of PT Newmont Minahasa Raya contaminated the area with toxic waste.

In February 2011, with the same spirit, thousands of people from Lambu district in Bima made a demonstration, rejecting the mining plans of PT Sumber Mineral Nusantara and PT Indo Mineral Cipta Persada. Diring this demonstration, an activist named Ahmadin was arrested by police from the Bima headquarters, suspected of having burned down the base camp of PT Valey Sumbawa Mining. Because the police did not respond properly to the people's demands, the people also burned down the local police station and took the local police chief hostage. Now in nearly all the districts of Bima, people await the destruction that will occur if mining operations continue to be permitted and are not met with strong resistance.

Looking at the evidence of the terrible impacts which mining corporations have on local people's lives, resistance becomes inevitable. We should just note that there is something which must be avoided, and that is that the struggles currently taking place in Wera and the other districts of Bima should be reduced to the narrow and superficial issue of violence and human rights, while losing the focus on the real sources of the people's anger. Because of this, there is a need to connect to other places which have experience of similar situations. Solidarity and building up networks of struggle becomes a necessity.

translated from http://barawera.wordpress.com/

http://hidupbiasa.blogspot.com/2011/04/people-of-wera-resist-iron-sand-mining.html#more

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--Papuan Prisoner News: Buchtar Tabuni Freed, Filep Karma Refuses Remission

Each Indonesian Independence day, 17th August, a number of prisoners are granted remission as part of the celebrations. This year, the list included high-profile Papuan political prisoners Buchtar Tabuni and Filep Karma. This is a highly provocative act to Papuan activists, who equate the Indonesian presence in their land with continued repression.

Buchtar Tabuni Walks Free

Buchtar Tabuni was released from Abepura prison on August 17 in Jayapura, West Papua. He had been imprisoned after taking part in a peaceful demonstration in October 2008 supporting the launch of the International Parliamentarians for West Papua (IPWP) in the UK Parliament.

From Bintang Papua, 17 August 2011 [Abridged in translation by TAPOL]:

http://bintangpapua.com/
http://tapol.gn.apc.org/

Sentani: Buchtar Tabuni, the chairman of KNPB, the West Papua National Committee was one of 656 prisoners in Papua to receive remission of his sentence, granted to prisoners on the occasion of the anniversary of Indonesia's independence on 17 August 1945.

While other prisoners were eagerly awaiting news of something they have been waiting for for a very long time, Buchtar said he regarded his remission as an 'insult' for the people of West Papua.

The remission of three months meant that his incarceration has come to an end.

Speaking to his many supporters who were there to welcome him at the prison gate, Buchtar said that he does not recognised this independence day because 'our ancestors never fought for an Indonesian government but fought for the Melanesian people.'

He said that the remission was merely an attempt by the Indonesian government to improve its reputation on the international stage.

'They think that with my release on this day, it means that I will show my love and affection for Indonesia, but that is not so. I will continue my struggle for this nation even more radically than before,' he said, to the cheers of his supporters.

He used the occasion to congratulate the Indonesian government on the anniversary, and went on to ask the government to give its support to the Papuan people who are yearning for their independence.

Following his release, Buchtar was accompanied on his way home by scores of his supporters. The convoy of vehicles accompanying him on his way home in Sentani caused serious traffic congestion but the situation remained calm.

Filep Karma Refuses Remission

Filep Karma was arrested during a Morning Star flag rising on December 1, 2004. He is currently serving a 15 year sentence in Abepura Prison, Jayapura. He has refused remission for the second year running. He gave the following statement (watch the original in Indonesian at http://westpapuamedia.info/2011/08/20/filep-karma-refuses-indonesias-remission/)

http://westpapuamedia.info/2011/08/20/filep-karma-refuses-indonesias-remission/

“I've been saying since last year that I refuse remission. But the Indonesian government keeps on offering remission until now. So I want to state that I refuse remission for this year. Remission is of no use to me: only to be set free directly, without conditions, and the Indonesian government smust beg the forgiveness of the Papuan people for their unjust behaviour towards Papuans and return them their sovereignity .[ ... ] The government should ask for the forgiveness of all Papuans, who have been killed, or oppressed, or who have had their land taken from them. Only then will I accept being freed.”

http://hidupbiasa.blogspot.com/2011/08/papuan-prisoner-news-buchtar-tabuni.html#more

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How the Papuan people Continue to Unite in Resistance: Victor Yeimo Interview

[This Interview with Papuan activist Victor Yeimo was published on the Kontinum website, because of a feeling that little information and perspectives from the Papuan struggle is available in Indonesia, and so people outside Papua are not aware of the what is actually going on there. The original, in Indonesian, can be found at http://kontinum.org/2011/08/wawancara_victor_papua/]

http://kontinum.org/
http://kontinum.org/2011/08/wawancara_victor_papua/

We see Papua's problems as coming from a combination of problems with the state and corporations, military violence, ecological damage, genocide and extinction of indigenous cultures. The Papuan issue is also a national issue for Indonesia, and one which is not yet resolved. Many indigenous people are killed and tortured in order to legitimise the destruction of Papua's natural riches by the world's giant companies together with their closest partners: government.

Constitutional reasons, together with the logic of national unity and a narrow nationalist view of 'Indonesianness' are used to legitimise repression and oppression of the Papuan people and their land.

But amidst a climate of repression that doesn't seem to subside, the Papuan people struggle on, ever-bravely. To get to know the situation and viewpoint of the resistance movement in Papua, Kontinum interviewed Victor Yeimo, spokesperson of the West Papua National Committee (KNPB), one of the people's organisations that continues the active struggle in the land of Papua:

Bearing in mind that there is very little and quite selective news about the Papuan situation and the people's struggle in the media, could you explain for all our readers what is the latest situation in Papua?
Human rights violations of civilians by the Indonesian military and police are still taking place. Global investment has ballooned after the ACFTA agreement (ASEAN-China Free Trade Agreement), where President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono had given instructions to police and military commanders to use investment as a means of pacifying Papua (see Jurnal Nasional, 16 May 2011, page 10). China is the home of the majority of global investors, and the Papuan Provincial Body for Capital Investment (Badan Penanaman Modal) has reported that there has been a 28% increase in investment in Papua in the last 6 months.

There have also been cases of malpractice where Indonesia's bureaucratic elite have interfered with the governance of Papua. Corruption, collusion and nepotism have increased due to the central government's inconsistency around laws and regulations.

Aside from that, Freeport workers have risen up and have gone on strike (tabloidjubi.com will have news updates).

http://tabloidjubi.com/

llegal business from the police and military is also on the rise, such as illegal logging, ,gold panning, bringing sex workers from outside Papua, dealing in the wood of the eaglewood tree, and so on. Meanwhile military repression to silence the democracy movement has been getting more intense, and uses labels such as separatist, terrorist, trouble-maker and so on.

What do the Papua people think about these situations, and how have they reacted to them?
The people do not have much power, due to the military strength in Papua. Meanwhile the government is seducing the people with trillions of rupiah of foreign direct investment in their ancestral lands, and so in the end there are many people that do not want to join organised resistance movements.

The people continue to problematise the history of Papua's integration in the unified Indonesian state, which has always been manipulated by the United States, Indonesia and the Netherlands. Because of that the people still continue to unite in resistance.

Apart from the problems of history and culture, what is making the Papuan people refuse Jakarta's influence in their everyday lives and want self-determination?
Because Jakarta's approach is militaristic, exploitative, deceitful and marginalising. From the beginning right up to the present day Jakarta has regarded Papuans as second-class people, people close to animals. And then the next thing they do is that they violate the arrangements that they themselves have made. They are just not consistent in their regulations and policy. Policy is also biassed in favour of incomers to Papua. So the people prefer to think about sorting things out for themselves. Many Papuans, as a result of all they have gone through, believe that Indonesia's sole aim in West Papua is to wipe out the Papuan people and take control of the territory.

How have government, the bourgeoisie and Indonesian politicians viewed the Papuan people's struggle, and what has been their reaction?
They continue to be suspicious of all civil activists that operate in a legal or democratic way. Indonesia also uses its military force and criminal law to kill off west Papua's peaceful movement. They also use 'divide and conquer' techniques to destroy the unity and solidarity of the Papuan people's resistance. Jakarta has poured a lot of money into the military, police and intelligence organisations in order to make Papua secure. Many Papuans have been recruited by enticing them with money to join the ranks of Barisan Merah Putih (Red and White Front: a militant Indonesian nationalist civil organisation). Many cases of abuse by members of the military police have not been brought to justice, and the perpetrators have even been rewarded with new jobs and promotions.


How have the Papuan people got involved in the struggle for freedom in Papua? What kinds of resistance have developed?
Papuans take a peaceful and dignified approach, organising demonstrations, prayer sessions, seminars, writing books or reporting repression on the Internet. There are also some traditional militant groups in the national Liberation army - Free Papua Movement (TPN-OPM) who refer to themselves as a West Papuan military. They continue to use guerilla tactics to chase the Indonesian army out of their areas.


What is the reaction of Papuan people towards the 'separatist' label that is put on every movement that emerges in Papua?
We're aware that we aren't separatists, because the people on the contrary consider Indonesia to be the separatists, as Indonesia arrived in 1962 whereas the Papuan state was given independence in 1961.

The people regard this label as one imposed by the people in power, who are anti-democratic and anti-human rights, as it is stated in the Indonesian basic law set down in 1945 that colonisation should be erased across the whole world. The people see this label as something imposed by the military, to promote their own interests of expanding the territory under military control in order to profit from securitization projects. In books, speeches seminars etc. the people continue to state that we are not separatists, because this land belongs to the Papuans, it dot belong to Indonesia, the US, Britain or any other country.


How do you see the general Indonesian population's understanding of, and response to, the Papuan problem?
Much of Indonesian society doesn't understand the problems of Papua. Maybe people have been influenced by the opinion of those in power, because of the propaganda they spread on TV and in newspapers, that Papuans are poor, and so on. But actually we're rich, only Indonesia keeps marginalising the Papuan people's rights. The Indonesian people, with their blinkered nationalism, see the Papuan movements as being against those in power. But they are also being treated in the same way by our exploitative, greedy, gun-crazed, corrupt and chauvinist leadership.

For the majority of the Indonesian population, there are very few who know just how the Indonesian leadership invaded, took over and then annexed Papua, which was granted independence in 1961, through agreements to establish Papua's political status that were devised by the US, Britain and the Netherlands, without involving the Papuan people. Most people in Indonesia are still blind to the problems of Papua and still ignorant of how Papuans have suffered, and so still take the side of our cruel leaders.


Can you tell us about your organisation, KNPB?
West Papua National committee (KNPB) is a West Papuan people's medium. KNPB exists in different places throuout the land of Papua, and also has consulates in the Indonesian cities of Jakarta and Manado. KNPB was set up in 2008 with Buchtar Tabuni as chair and Victor Yeimo as General Secretary. Towards the end of 2006 Buchtar was arrested and condemned to 3 years in prison and Victor undertook the everyday tasks. In August 2009 Victor was arrested and condemned to 3 years in prison. Now the organisation is operating with Mako Tabuni as Chair I of KNPB, Buchtar still as General Chair, and Victor Yeimo as International Spokesperson.


KNPB always encourages Papuans to see themselves as historically, culturally and geographically different to Indonesians. Can you explain what is the position of KNPB comrades regarding this?
We locate our struggle with the Papuan people. Whatever the people want, that's what we fight for. The historical, geographical and cultural factors are actually like you said. We see that Indonesia's involvement in West Papua is no more than a story of protracted repression. This territory is still like a protectorate. Whatever the people wish for, that's what KNPB will mediate as a focus for the struggle, using sincere means.


What is KNPB's vision of the “right to self-determination”, in connection with the Papuan struggle?
Papuans do not regard the test of public opinion that took place in 1969 as final. The people continue to demand the right to determine their own future. Many Papuans have died as a result of demanding these rights. Therefore KNPB fights for a referendum as a decisive solution to the Papuan conflict. This is so that the people can decide whether they want to continue as part of Indonesia, or if they want independence. In KNPB's role as media, it continues to make demands to international bodies and also appeals to the will of Jakarta so that the people are given their democratic right to choose their future. Of course we need the reinforcement of international solidarity, and to this end there is a group of international lawyers working to investigate the status of Papua and resolve it through international law.


What sort of Papua do the Papuan people themselves want?
A Papua that is free of all forms of repression: Indonesian neocolonialism, neoliberalism/ global capitalism and militarism.


How do Freeport and the other corporations that have established themselves in the land of Papua react to the people's struggle there?
Freeport collaborates with the Indonesian leadership. They both look after their economic and political interests in the same way. That means that they label anyone who doesn't accept the presence of these corporations as separatists and terrorists. Freeport takes a line opposing the Papuan people's struggle, because in their view it will harm their capital investments and vital assets.


What is their connection with the Indonesian government and bourgeoisie?
Freeport continues to deceive Indonesia and the Papuan people, but Freeport wants Indonesia to continue as guarddog of its assets. So Freeport keeps paying the military and Indonesian bourgeoisie to ensure guaranteed security and legal favour. Papuans get nothing meaningful from this arrangement.


What are the priority needs right now for friends involved in the struggle for freedom in Papua?
-We really need the solidarity of oppressed people wherever they might be, including people in Indonesia, to work together to chase all forms of repression out of Papua.
-We really need solidarity from friends in the national press to take the side of the Papuan people in their reportage.
-We really need consolidation at the national level to shape a definitive solution for the Papuan people.
-We need some means of production that can be used to protect ourselves against the ongoing siege of repression in the land of the bird of paradise.

What sort of solidarity do the Papuan people need? And what can friends from outside Papua do to help the Papuan people's struggle?
-We would like it if the Papuan issue was regularly discussed by friends outside Papua.
-We would wish for some sort of national consolidation to discuss and establish strategy and tactics for a joint resistance.
-We also need advocacy, economic and political information and reading material that could help us be active in the field.


Thank-you, and respectful greetings to all Papuans in struggle.

http://hidupbiasa.blogspot.com/2011/08/how-papuan-people-continue-to-unite-in.html#more

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-News from Kulon Progo: Hunger Strike and Action + Free Tukijo

The resistance of Kulon Progo Farmers on Java's South Coast continues, fighting the mining plans of PT Jogja Magasa Iron and their Australian financers, Indo Mines. One of their community, Tukijo, is currently in prison, condemned to three years to satisfy the vengeful whims of the corporation. Their latest action was to occupy the provincial council building, after a 12-day hunger strike carried out by several community members and student activists in solidarity with their struggle.

After 12 days of hunger strike, PPLP-KP and Sekber Invade Council Building.
Yogya (KRjogja.com)- After 12 days on hunger strike without getting any response, Kulon Progo Shoreline Farmers Association (PPLP-KP) and Sekolah Bersama (Sekber) organised a demonstration on Monday (3/10). They were demanding that members of the Yogyakarta Special Region People's Representative Council (DPRD DIY) should make their position clear. The crowds occupied the council building for several hours, until finally the head of the council, Youke Indra Agung, came out to meet them.

At the action, the General Action Co-ordinator Imam Mas'ud explained that the hunger strike that had been taking place was an attempt to object to PT Jogja Magasa Iron's presence in the area, the company which is carrying out a project to mine iron sand in Kulon Progo. But until now there has been no response from anyone, despite the actions that have been carried out.

“Until now there are five people who have ended up in a critical condition because they have been on hunger strike. Five others are continuing the action. But there has still not been any response or resolution that can clarify what is happening with the iron sands project. Even the Regency leader only came by to show he was sympathetic, but without giving any concrete answers”, he exclaimed.

He related that the lack of a response to the hunger strike indicated that neither the government nor the council members cared. The farmers warned that they would keep taking action until there was a definite decision to reject iron sand mining on the Kulon Progo coast.

“The DPRD, as a institution of democratically elected people's representatives, should fundamentally be our main safeguard, by means of which the rights of the people can be clearly expressed. They should pay attention to the fate of the Kulon Progo people, which includes trying to ensure the freedom of Tukijo, a coastal farmer who is currently in prison.” he said.

The chair of the DPRD DIY, Youke Indra Agung, took the opportunity to announce that the problems around iron sand mining in Kulon Progo were taking place because of permissions granted by the central government and not any agreements made by the provincial council. Decisions about the mine did not come from discussions in the council and the matter lay outside the DPRD DIY's authority.

“According to information from the Kulon Progo Regency Government and the Provincial Government, the iron sands present will bring positive impacts to the Kulon Progo people. If it so happens that problems occur which are outside what is communicated to the council by the regional government, we will then take that to the government. We will co-ordinate first of all and can't take action directly because that is the government's prerogative,” he explained.

Original source in Indonesian: http://www.krjogja.com/news/detail/102622/12.Hari.Mogok.Makan..PPLP-KP.dan.Sekber.Grudug.Dewan.html , posted by PPLP-KP on their blog http://petanimerdeka.tk/

http://www.krjogja.com/news/detail/102622/12.Hari.Mogok.Makan..PPLP-KP.dan.Sekber.Grudug.Dewan.html

http://www.krjogja.com/news/detail/102622/12.Hari.Mogok.Makan..PPLP-KP.dan.Sekber.Grudug.Dewan.html

http://petanimerdeka.tk/%20

Free Tukijo!

Tukijo is still in prison! A farmer on the Kulon Progo coast, he was arrested on the first of May 2011 as he was working in his fields. A vehicle with nine cops showed up, who said they wanted to talk to him but then forced him to go with them. He was barefoot at the time. He has been kept inside ever since and has now been sentenced to three years in prison.

The accusation against Tukijo is that he held hostage seven of PT JMI (Indo Mines) workers. These workers had been peaceably advised by local people that for their own safety they should not use a path that had previously been agreed that it was not for use by the mining company's employees because it was within the conflict area. However, they had deliberately and repeatedly broken this agreement and it was important to remind them so that riots didn't occurs. It looks like PT JMI have seized this opportunity to deprive the coastal people of their freedom and human rights, using state forces, twisting facts and abducting community members.

An account of Tukijo's arrest in May in English, written by PPLP-KP, can be found at: http://pplp.0fees.net/2011/05/about-the-kidnapping-of-tukidjo-by-the-kulon-progo-police-indonesia/

http://pplp.0fees.net/2011/05/about-the-kidnapping-of-tukidjo-by-the-kulon-progo-police-indonesia/%20

Free Tukijo!

http://hidupbiasa.blogspot.com/2011/10/news-from-kulon-progo-hunger-strike-and.html#more

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--ATM Attacked in Yogyakarta. Two Still Held in Prison

On the night of the 6th-7th October, an ATM machine from BRI bank in Sleman, Yogyakarta was attacked with Molotov cocktails. An explosion was heard in the area, which police attributed to the effects of the heat on the screen. Three people were arrested in connection to the incident, and two are still in prison on suspicion of having carried out the attack.

The mainstream media widely reported what happened, and debated whether the action was an act of terrorism or a novel method of trying to steal the money inside the machine. Maybe it wasn't exactly either. National newspaper Kompas published the contents of a leaflet left on the scene which clearly explains some of the author's perspectives on capitalism, the state, and their solidarity with struggles taking place around Indonesia right now, as well as what terrorism really means:


YOGYAKARTA, KOMPAS.com- A leaflet found in front of the site of the explosion, BRI and BNI's ATMs on Gejayan Road, Yogyakarta, earlier today, contains disparaging statements about the state, corporations, the police and the military.

The contents of the leaflet are as follows:

State-Capital-Police-Military are the real terrorists. “Social rebellion will continue as long as the sun keeps shining”

This time we say that what we are doing represents the culmination of all our unease and anger towards the system we currently live under.

A system that worships money; a system that harangues people with television in their everyday lives, so that they buy products they don't need and keep working like machines.

A system that ensures that we and other people do not have control over our own lives; a system that benefits the bourgeois, businessmen and the state bureaucrats that are their loyal partners.

For all of us, this is not the moment to remain quiet, this is not the moment to calmly watch what's going on in front of our television screens and say that “everything is all right”.

This is for all repression in West Papua. For all repression in Kulonprogo. For all historical repression in Aceh. For all repression in Wera, Bima. For all evictions and land grabbing in Takalar and Pandan Raya in Makassar.

For all repression of our friends that resist. For Tukijo and the social combatants that are shut away in prisons because they fight to defend their rights to a livelihood. For each forestry concession that will destroy all biodiversity in the name of money and business!

And for all prisons which really should be burned to the ground! So as long as state and capitalism continue to exist, THERE WILL NEVER BE PEACE BETWEEN THOSE THAT HAVE AND THOSE THAT DO NOT.

Attacks are against financial centres: atms, banks and corporate buildings are the important targets, because they are amongst the collaborators who cause suffering on the face of this earth. This is not terrorism because we do not advocate attacking people.

Terrorism is the war between states. Terrorism is your kitchen when the rice and other food is running out. Terrorism are the bastards in uniform who are everywhere with their weapons. Terrorism is the massacre of the dispossessed.

But we say that enough is enough! And this is also for you! The fighters who never held back from resisting on the outside, although you are shut up in iron cages because of your belief in freedom: Conspiracy cell of fire (Greece), fighters in Chile: Tortuga! Lives on! Gabriel Pombo da Silva, Thomas Meyer Falk (Germany) Polikarpus Georgiadis, Revolutionary Struggle! A salute to the combatants of Manado, Makassar and Bandung, you are an inspiration that amidst the hopelessness of society there are people living that are becoming less obedient and powerless.

"Let fire burn in the darkness!" Long Live Luciano Tortuga Cell- International Revolutionary Front - FAI


Original in Indonesian at:

http://regional.kompas.com/read/2011/10/07/09530843/Inilah.Isi.Selebaran.di.Lokasi.Ledakan


http://hidupbiasa.blogspot.com/2011/10/atm-attacked-in-yogyakarta-two-still.html#more

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--A Wave of Protest Against Police Brutality Echoes in Many Cities.

A wave of protest against the police brutality that resulted in several deaths in Sape, Bima, West Nusa Tenggara has been emerging in several cities over the past few days. These actions are in solidarity with those involved in events which have taken place across Indonesia, and in Bima in particular.


In Surakarta, a group from the student movement destroyed a police outpost in the place they were demonstrating. The demonstration, which took place on Wednesday 28th December, resulted in clashes with police from the Dalmas force. In the incident 16 students were arrested, but eventually they were released.

In Mataram, the capital of West Nusa Tenggara, more than 300 people joined a demonstration at the Bank Indonesia intersection. The action, involving students, people's organisations and NGOs, was in opposition to the police's actions, which cannot be tolerated.

In Surabaya, students involved in the East Java Muhammadiyah Student's Association (IMM) demonstrated at the East Java police headquarters. A similar action happened in Tuban, blockading the street in front of the Tuban police station.

Meanwhile in Jakarta, dozens of people from different organisations gathered in front of the national police headquarters to protest against the police and demand an immediate cessation of all mining activities in Bima, as this brings no benefits for the local people.

The day before, hundreds of Bima students were involved in clashes with police outside the Bima Bupati's office. They were demanding a meeting with Bupati Faizal in order to demand that he acts responsibly and rescinds PT Sumber Mineral Nusantara's permission to mine. During this action, police let off shots, trying to disperse the demonstrators, however clashes were not avoided. It is reported that two people were arrested in this action.

translate from
http://barawera.wordpress.com/2011/12/28/gelombang-protes-brutalitas-polisi-bergema-di-berbagai-kota/

A Police Outpost is Attacked in Makassar as a Protest Against State Brutality.

A protest action in Makassar (26/12), connected to the brutality of the police that killed people in Bima, turned into a riot. In the protest in which over 300 people took part, a police outpost at the junction of Jalan Sudirman and Flyover, was destroyed as the masses bombarded it with stones and other hard objects.

Beforehand, an action which was named the Forum of the People's Accusations (Forgat) commenced at 11am with an open platform in front of the Mandala Monument during over three hours. The representatives of various organisations took turns to give speeches and share their opinions.

The crowd then set of to the north in the direction of Karebosi. Right at the crossroads, they spontaneously started to throw things at the police outpost at the end of the street. The BNI bank, right next to the police outpost, became another target for the stones. The ranks of the action were out of control and disturbances were seen between the demonstrators.

In general, the objects targetted for destruction were connected to the police, symbols of capitalism such as banks or symbols of the political elite such as billboards and political adverts. Demonstrators made clear that what happened in Bima and other places is caused by the ever-increasing greed of capitalism as it exploits the environment and then threatens people's lives. Such a situation is concealed by the political elite and supported by police institutions. The people demonstrating in Makassar believe that resistance to the police killings in Bima go all the way to its root causes.

A contingent moved back towards the east of the city, following Jalan Mesjid Raya to the destination for the next action, flyover kilometer 4. Once they arrived under the bridge the people gathered on the street. The police outpost located nearby once again became a target for bombardment.

This action was intended to convey Forgat's protest against the violent brutality and cruelty which the police exhibited against the occupation of Sape port. Because of what happened, the Bima people's demand to rescind PT Sumber Mineral Nusantara's mining permission should be implemented as soon as possible, because this is the principle cause of distress for the people of Bima. Forgat urges the withdrawl of all police stationed in Bima, to avoid similar incidents happening again and let the situation in Bima return to normal from the tense atmosphere that the presence of state forces on the ground has created.

During this action, one of the demonstrators, Yayat (23), a student from Hasanuddin University, was arrested. Two others were arrested by police intelligence agents, but the arrests were successfully resisted by the force of dozens of other demonstrators who saw what happened.

translate from
http://barawera.wordpress.com/2011/12/27/protes-brutalitas-aparat-massa-di-makassar-menyerang-pos-polisi/

http://hidupbiasa.blogspot.com/2011/12/wave-of-protest-against-police.html#more

--all this articles extraxt from HIDUP BIASA blog

http://hidupbiasa.blogspot.com/